Editor’s Note
by Mattia Peroni, Lead Editor - Mekong Belt Desk
From military reforms to economic opportunities, this week’s issue reveals the tensions between ambition and accountability. In Cambodia, the long-dormant military draft is roaring back to life, raising questions about regional defense, sovereignty, and what modernization really means in the context of ASEAN’s collective security. Meanwhile, Laos earns global recognition with its first natural World Heritage Site, but must now balance conservation with community rights. Thailand, on the other hand, is betting on wellness tourism as a soft power engine, but global prestige may come at the expense of social equality and domestic healthcare strain. And finally, although Myanmar’s junta found unlikely validation from an American diplomatic blunder, ASEAN remains firm: legitimacy requires real change. Together, these stories show that progress in the region often comes at a price, and that growth cannot be measured just by what is gained, but also by what is traded off.
Cambodia 🇰🇭
Cambodia’s Return to Conscription Raises Questions About Military Reform and ASEAN Security
by Malai Yatt, in Phnom Penh
As other ASEAN countries have recently passed laws to strengthen their militaries, the Cambodian government has now followed suit, announcing a plan to increase its military spending and extend the duration of mandatory service. According to the Law on Compulsory Military Service, which was enacted in 2006 but never enforced, all men aged between 18-30 are required to serve for a period of 18 months. The reform, which will be implemented starting from next year, will not only enforce the mandatory service for the first time, but also extend its duration to 24 months.
On July 14, Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Manet framed the move in light of the country’s history of conflict and recent border tensions with Thailand, stressing the need to “learn lessons” and strengthen military capabilities. The announcement has sparked reactions both domestically and internationally, even though the government insists the policy is purely defensive, aimed at strengthening Cambodia’s armed forces and safeguarding national sovereignty without posing a threat to other countries. While it is clear that the implementation will require adjustments to the national budget, the Prime Minister has not yet disclosed the expected costs.
Aun Chhengpor, a Policy Researcher at Future Forum, argued that Cambodia’s military reform does not pose a threat to the ASEAN community. This is because as ASEAN member states already have the military capabilities necessary for national defense, Cambodia’s move is unlikely to raise concerns, particularly among countries that are geographically distant or island nations. Chhengpor also added that Cambodia’s move has been mainly driven by global uncertainties that leave small countries with a sense of insecurity and urgency to maximise their defense capabilities.
Still, military modernization should focus on professional armed forces and should be committed to civilian protection, in accordance with humanitarian laws. With these conditions, which are at the core of ASEAN’s Political-Security Cooperation, Cambodia’s expected military growth could also have a positive impact on the ASEAN community. As mentioned by Aun Chhengpor, Cambodia’s military buildup could, through future coordinated efforts, facilitate the creation of an ASEAN peacekeeping force designed to ensure peace and security across the region.
Seun Sam, a policy analyst at the Royal Academy of Cambodia, echoed this sentiment, welcoming the conscription policy as a national duty and noting that countries like Vietnam, Laos, and Thailand have similar systems in place. He emphasized the role of military service in maintaining internal stability and enhancing Cambodia’s prepardness to respond to shared regional challenges.
Since joining ASEAN on April 30, 1999, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation framed Cambodia’s entrance as aimed at fostering cooperation across the region and globally, promoting peace, stability, security, and socio-economic development. With this military turn, Cambodia is thus expected to increase its efforts to address regional and global challenges, working toward a harmonious, peaceful, and prosperous world in line with ASEAN’s core principles of peace and regional stability.
Malai is a reporter at Kiripost, where she has worked for over two years, driven by a strong commitment to amplify the voices of underserved communities. Her reporting focuses on economic and foreign affairs, particularly Cambodia’s relations with other nations.
Lao PDR 🇱🇦
Laos’s First Natural UNESCO Site: A Conservation Win or a Community Rights Test?
by Thongsavanh Souvannasane, in Vientiane
After nearly twenty years of effort, Hin Nam No National Park in Laos’ Khammouane Province was officially recognized as a UNESCO World Heritage Site on 13 July during the 47th Session of the World Heritage Committee in Paris, France.
This designation marks Hin Nam No as Laos’ first Natural World Heritage Site and the country’s fourth World Heritage Site overall after the Town of Luang Prabang (1995), Vat Phou and Associated Ancient Settlements within the Champasack Cultural Landscape (2001), and the Megalithic Jar Sites in Xiengkhuang – Plain of Jars (2019). Notably, the procedure also formally established a transboundary protected area with Vietnam’s Phong Nha-Ke Bang National Park.
Spanning 94,121 hectares in central Laos, Hin Nam No is a natural marvel nested in the Central Annamite Mountains. The park’s name, meaning “mountain crest with spikes like bamboo shoots,” reflects its defining limestone formations, sharp spires and jagged cliffs shaped over 300 million years. The park also houses, among the 173 documented caves, the world-renowned 6.4-kilometer-long Xe Bang Fai Cave, which is currently the largest active cave river documented globally. Located within the Indo-Burma biodiversity hotspot, Hin Nam No also shelters highly threatened species including the Red-Shanked Douc Langur, Sunda Pangolin, and Lao Rock Rat.
But Hin Nam No is more than just a biodiversity haven: it is also home to ethnic minority groups such as the Brou, who maintain spiritual traditions, forest-based livelihoods, and deep ecological knowledge. Their ancestral presence and sustainable practices have been central to the park’s protection, yet questions remain about how their rights will be safeguarded as tourism increases.
In this context, the UNESCO recognition brings prestige and potential economic benefits through heritage tourism, but it also raises potential challenges. How will Laos balance the influx of visitors with ecological protection? Can the government ensure that indigenous communities benefit from, rather than bear the costs of, conservation efforts?
These tensions aren’t unique to Laos. Across Southeast Asia, World Heritage designations have sometimes led to community displacement or restricted access to traditional lands, even as they aim to preserve natural and cultural heritage.
For instance, in Thailand, the 2021 UNESCO inscription of the Kaeng Krachan Forest Complex sparked conflict with Indigenous Karen communities, with media reporting forced evictions, loss of land access, and exclusion from management decisions. Despite concerns raised by human rights groups and UN experts, the designation went ahead, highlighting how World Heritage status can sometimes clash with Indigenous rights and livelihoods.
While the inscription of Hin Nam No highlights Laos’s growing role in regional conservation and ASEAN cooperation, the park’s future will depend on balancing development, Indigenous rights, and ecological protection.
For the Brou and other local communities, the designation brings both hope and risk, their knowledge is necessary, but only if they remain included in decisions. The real test lies ahead: proving that World Heritage status can enhance rather than undermine the very communities and ecosystems it seeks to protect.
Thongsavanh is a journalist from Laos with a background in English-language media. He graduated from the Lao-American Institute with a Diploma of the Arts in English and contributes to independent news platforms. His reporting focuses on environmental issues, socio-economic development, and geopolitics.
Myanmar 🇲🇲
As Myanmar’s Junta Struggles for Legitimacy, Trump Offers an Unlikely Assist
by Mattia Peroni
While U.S. President Donald Trump’s new wave of unilateral tariffs sparked alarm and discontent across most Southeast Asian governments, Myanmar’s military junta welcomed it with unexpected enthusiasm. Paradoxically, the junta’s reaction had little to do with the substance of the policy, as Myanmar is set to face a staggering 40% tariff rate on its exports, and rather relates to how the decision was communicated.
The tariff rates, coming into effect on August 1st, were conveyed through official letters addressed to the leaders of the targeted countries’ governments. In the case of Myanmar, the accompanying letter was notably addressed directly to the still-unrecognized junta — a detail Senior General Min Aung Hlaing welcomed as a symbolic gesture of recognition.
As reported by state media Global New Light of Myanmar at the end of last week, General Min Aung Hlaing considered it an “honor” to acknowledge the receipt of Trump’s letter, which he proclaimed as an “encouraging invitation to continue participating in the extraordinary economy of the United States.” Although the junta’s enthusiasm might be partly related to the reduction of the original tariff rate announced in April from 44% to 40 %, the true source of celebration is the ounce of legitimacy this letter confers.
Since the U.S., like most Western countries, had so far addressed the ousted National Unity Government (NUG) as the legitimate government of Myanmar, what was likely a diplomatic oversight gives the junta a valuable narrative tool. For a regime scrambling for international recognition, being the targeted recipient of an official communication can carry symbolic weight, especially if the latter bears the American presidential signature.
In his response to the White House, Min Aung Hlaing seized the opportunity to justify his government’s legitimacy by drawing a parallel between the two countries’ alleged struggle with fraudulent elections, a reference to the junta’s long-standing rejection of the 2020 Myanmar elections, and to Donald Trump’s refusal to concede his loss to Joe Biden the same year. This claim not only tries to reinforce the junta’s legitimacy in the eyes of the American President, but also plays into the junta’s intention to hold controlled elections to correct a flawed democratic process. However, ASEAN’s latest verdict on such elections suggests that the junta’s scramble for legitimacy is not gaining traction.
During a press conference at the 58th ASEAN Foreign Ministers’ Meeting, Malaysia’s Foreign Minister Mohamad Hassan dismissed the junta’s proposed election plan, deeming it inadequate and potentially counterproductive. Hassan concluded by reiterating that the priority for Myanmar should not be flawed elections but rather to build the preconditions for a meaningful political resolution, starting from achieving a nationwide ceasefire and releasing political prisoners.
Hassan’s remarks show that while the junta may hang on to symbolic details like Trump’s letter or planning elections to boost its image, legitimacy is not merely symbolic, and, without a ceasefire and the release of political prisoners, any vote held by the junta lacks credibility. As regional leaders have long emphasized, the path forward does not lie in staged elections, but in restoring the basic conditions for a genuine political solution.
Mattia has a background in international politics with a regional specialization in Asian affairs. He currently serves as a Junior Analyst for the Asia/Oceania desk at the Istituto Analisi Relazioni Internazionali (IARI), where he focuses on conflict dynamics, maritime security, and strategic competition in the Indo-Pacific. His work reflects a strong interest in security studies and regional geopolitics, with a particular focus on Myanmar’s political crisis, ethnic dynamics, and its implications for regional stability.
Thailand 🇹🇭
The Growing Soft Power of Health: Thailand’s Wellness Tourism at Crossroads
by Paranut Juntree, in Bangkok
When you think of Thailand, you may picture world-class spas, traditional healing, quality medical services, and the timeless art of Thai massage. But now, wellness is more than heritage. It has become a strategic frontier for Thailand.
During the recent SPLASH Soft Power Forum 2025, the largest soft power forum in Southeast Asia, wellness tourism took center stage in Thailand’s evolving global identity. This comes amid global demographic aging, with 28.3% of Thais expected to be over 60 by 2030, a trend driving investment in preventative care and holistic health. As a result, the health and wellness sector is becoming central to Thailand’s economic development strategy.
Overall, the global wellness market was worth USD 6.3 trillion in 2023 and is projected to reach almost USD 9 trillion in 2028. As for Thailand, the wellness market saw a 28.2% increase in value, surging from USD 31.6 billion to USD 40.5 billion between 2022 and 2023. This growth trajectory is expected to continue as wellness and medical tourism take center stage in Thailand’s global strategy, earning Thailand a place among the world’s top 15 destinations for wellness tourism. Building on this momentum, a 10-year National Strategy (2025-2034) has been launched recently to transform Thailand into the “Medical Hub Destination of the World”.
But as Thailand expands its global footprint in wellness, how will this growth affect the people and systems at home?
While the growth numbers are impressive and promising from an economic standpoint, especially for the tourism and health and wellness sectors, they also create a set of challenges at home. For example, access to wellness and medical services for Thai nationals is becoming increasingly limited as prices rise with demand. Meanwhile, rural and public hospitals face growing staff shortages as burned-out medical professionals shift to better-paid private hospitals serving wealthier Thais and foreign patients due to low compensation and excessive workload in the public sector. Indeed, in 2023, the average Thai physician was responsible for up to 2,000 patients, double the standard set by the World Health Organization. This strain is even more pronounced in border hospitals, as these structures not only suffer from Thai citizens’ growing dependence on the overstretched “Gold Card” universal health scheme, but also serve large migrant populations because of their location.
If not carefully managed, the wellness expansion plan risks driving gentrification in tourist zones and commodifying traditional healing practices. A lack of policy safeguards could undermine the appeal of Thai wellness as locals’ standard of living is worsened. Though ambitious economically, the 10-year National Strategy overlooks systemic equity, workforce sustainability, and social dimensions of wellness and medical development. To ensure long-term sustainability, Thailand needs to consider targeted policy responses. A modest medical tourism levy can be introduced, directing revenue towards public infrastructure without deterring visitors. Retention programs for public health staff, including higher pay, workload reform, and rural support are potential solutions. Community consultation and benefit-sharing must guide future wellness zone development to ensure cultural and social protections are in place, preventing gentrification and over-commercialization.
Ultimately, Thailand’s wellness boom is a powerful opportunity not only to grow economically, but to lead globally in how health-driven development can be balanced for the people, place, and purpose.
Paranut has a background in advocacy, with experience in policy research, communications, and civic engagement across both NGO and government sectors. As Thailand’s Youth Delegate to the United Nations, he represented Thai youth in global dialogues on migration, education, and human rights, championing inclusive policymaking. He holds a degree in political science, with a specialization in international relations.
Editorial Deadline 18/07/2025 11:59 PM (UTC +8)
