Aspirations Under Constraint
Issue 33 — Key Developments Across Brunei, Indonesia, and Malaysia
Editor’s Note
by Nabil Haskanbancha, Editor-in-Chief
This week we witness promising beginnings and new plans from countries of the Maritime Crescent.
In Indonesia, President Prabowo Subianto’s participation in the newly formed Board of Peace reflects Jakarta’s intent to play a constructive role in international peace efforts. The decision has nonetheless prompted careful discussion at home about alignment, costs, and Indonesia’s long-standing multilateral commitments.
Malaysia has launched the National Education Plan 2026–2035, introducing major reforms from preschool to tertiary levels. Key proposals include adjusting school entry age, mandating Bahasa Melayu and History, and expanding TVET to younger students. While the plan is ambitious and holistic, it has raised concerns about readiness, resources, and a rising nationalist tone in education policy.
In Brunei, efforts to diversify the economy continue as agriculture becomes a strategic focus under Vision 2035. Despite investments in agri-tech, food security, and crop development, structural limitations cast doubt on Brunei’s long-term viability as an agricultural nation.
Indonesia 🇮🇩
Prabowo’s Board of Peace Unwanted Accession
by Muhammad Rayhansyah Jasin
When Prabowo Subianto came to Davos, Switzerland, on January 22, 2026, he was present not only to give a speech at the World Economic Forum, he was also there to witness the official launch of the Peace Council, initiated by the US President Donald Trump, and the accession of Indonesia as its Board of Peace. More than 20 countries have agreed to join this committee that has been boasted as an alternative of the United Nations in managing conflicts around the world despite being initially mandated under the UNSC Resolution 2803 to oversee the rebuilding and public management of Gaza. Interestingly, many of the board members are coming from Muslim majority countries as part of their collective effort to represent the Muslim world in deciding Palestinian future. Conversely, traditional Western Alliance of the US, such as Canada, the UK, France, Spain, and Italy have also resoundingly declined Trump’s invitation to join the board citing overlapping concerns with existing UN-system and its seemingly undemocratic stance to have Trump as its lifetime chairman.
Prabowo reasoned that the inclusion of Indonesia in the board of peace is crucial to accelerate diplomatic efforts that would bring the end to the Gaza Conflict. The Presidential Secretariat Office stated that Indonesia’s involvement in BoP reflects its commitment to peaceful solutions for international conflicts. Membership in this board costs $1 Billion which must be paid directly to the Trump Administration with some DPR members have cautioned the government’s to clearly how they would source this fund. Prabowo’s decision to be a part of BoP also coincided with Indonesia’s presidency at the UN Human Rights Council leading some observers to warn Prabowo’s administration, in managing both roles, without jeopardizing the universally accepted Two-State Solution. TB Hasanuddin, member of DPR Commission I also highlighted the risk of Indonesia’s membership that might undermine the existing UN-Framework and the security challenges it posed on Indonesia’s later involvement with troops on the ground, as previously mentioned by Prabowo.
The Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MOFA) posted a statement saying that Indonesia accepted the offer to join BoP only after consulting it with other Muslim major countries such as Egypt, Türkiye, Saudi Arabia, and The UAE–all of which have also signed the BoP Declaration. A joint declaration posted on MOFA’s X account also reiterates their firm support to advance the implementation of Palestinians’ right of self-determination in pursuing its independence.
However, domestic fallout against this decision could reverberate to the market in signaling Prabowo’s increasing dependence on Trump and his favors as shown during their hot mic gaffes last October. “If decisions are made by voting, we (Indonesia) will lose,” said Teuku Rezasyah, Padjajaran University Lecturer on International Relations, in discussing Indonesia’s preeminence in BoP. An op-ed by Kompas also criticized Prabowo’s move to join BoP that would counterproductively limit Indonesia’s leverage as a middle power when joining such an exclusive and seemingly hegemonic committee under the US.Among ASEAN countries, Vietnam and Cambodia have also agreed to join while Thailand and Singapore have yet to decide.
Rayhan is pursuing an Erasmus Mundus Joint Master’s Degree in Public Policy at Central European University and the Institut Barcelona d’Estudis Internacionals. He holds a Bachelor of Social Sciences in International Relations and Political Economy from Ritsumeikan Asia Pacific University. His current research focuses on the socio-economic impacts of Indonesia’s nickel mining industry on local communities and national development.
Malaysia 🇲🇾
Malaysia Overhauls Education System
by Sydney Gan, in Kuala Lumpur
The National Education Plan 2026-2035 was officially launched last week, marking a significant overhaul of Malaysia’s education system. Spanning the full education ecosystem from preschool to tertiary institutions, the blueprint places Anwar Ibrahim’s government and its often-criticized Ministry of Education firmly in the spotlight. While praised by some as visionary and dismissed by others as overly ambitious, attention now turns to the implementation phase that will determine its true impact.
Among the highlight proposals is the optional lowering of preschool enrollment from six to five years old, alongside a reduction in primary school entry age. Despite being newly announced, uncertainty already surrounds these changes. Parliamentary debates over a proposed diagnostic test to assess Year One readiness saw YB Syed Saddiq raise concerns over potential discrimination, prompting the Ministry to scrap the assessment altogether. This episode highlights a broader concern, that while the plan is positioned as a “living document” with lofty ambitions, key practical considerations may appear insufficiently thought through.
Another major shift is the compulsory teaching of History and Bahasa Melayu under the national curriculum to reinforce national identity. This reflects Anwar’s administration’s strong emphasis on Malay sovereignty and cultural preservation. The plan attempts to balance this with the promotion of English fluency as a tool for global engagement and cross-border exchange. However, when viewed alongside recent statements from the Agong renouncing all those who do not accept the Malay language in the country, the reforms collectively signal a pronounced nationalistic sentiment, one that must be consolidated with efforts to modernize education through digital transformation and other emerging fields of study.
Notably, the blueprint adopts a holistic approach to education, described as “giving soul” to learning. Beyond academic achievement, it prioritizes life skills, values, and moral development, an especially relevant emphasis following a rise in youth violence cases in 2025, many linked to online radicalisation and gaming culture. This signals a deliberate move away from rigid academia toward a more balanced, human-centred education model.
The plan also places strong emphasis on Technical and Vocational Education and Training (TVET), introducing it at primary and secondary levels with a focus on digital skills and emerging technologies. This aligns with Malaysia’s AI 2030 ambitions and the MyDIGITAL Roadmap, reflecting a concerted effort to remain competitive in the regional race for high-skilled talent.
However, the potential reintroduction of standardised assessments, previously abolished under Muhyiddin’s administration, has reignited concerns over resources and teacher preparedness. Former Education Minister Hishammuddin Hussein has questioned whether educators can be adequately trained to handle expanding cohorts within such a compressed timeline. Without sufficient lead time, capacity-building risks being sidelined in an “act first, think later” approach.
Ultimately, the National Education Plan 2026-2035 is an ambitious attempt to future-proof Malaysia’s talent pipeline. Its success, however, will hinge on disciplined execution of proposed timelines, and a genuine commitment to closing rural-urban education gaps, particularly in Sabah and Sarawak, while ensuring that no child is left behind.
Sydney holds a Bachelor of Laws from King’s College London, where she focused on Human Rights Law, Criminology, and Public & Administrative Law. She is an Analyst at Asia Group Advisors, providing policy analysis and strategic guidance across the tech, sustainability, and gaming sectors in Southeast Asia. Prior to joining AGA, she worked in the social development sector in London, contributing to the Ukraine Judicial Training Programme through research on war crimes adjudication and the development of a legal training curriculum with high court magistrates.
Brunei Darussalam 🇧🇳
From Petrostate to Paddyfields – Will This Help Revitalise Brunei’s Economy?
by Maryam Zulaidi
In anticipation of depleting oil reserves by 2049, the government of Brunei has been investing and prioritising in agriculture, agrifood and aquaculture industries. Transforming Brunei from a petrostate into a more holistic economy. This transition represents the nation’s economic diversification efforts as part of Brunei’s 2035 Vision — under this vision, the nation is working to develop a ‘dynamic and sustainable economy’. Primarily, their aim is to boost and strengthen primary sectors, particularly the Livestock and Crop Industries.
Brunei has untapped agricultural potential as the country has sufficient land area which can be used for developing new paddy fields — in 2019, His Majesty The Sultan of Brunei stated that there was more than 7,000 hectares of land yet to be developed. Some fields have now been turned into ground for growing high-yielding crops. Additionally, there have been continuous cooperation efforts between the government and local agripeneurs through investments in agritechnology and education. The nation may leverage from highly capable and well-skilled graduates specialising in Agriculture and technological studies who can contribute to maximising the nation’s productivity and profits through exports.
Beyond that, development in the agriculture sector offers job creation for the nation’s people while ensuring stability of the economy of Brunei in the long run. This instance can be seen in the United States whereby its agriculture sector has constituted to 22.1 million people being employed in 2020. Furthermore, expanding the local agriculture industry will help firm Brunei’s food security and steer towards self-sufficiency while reducing the nation’s dependency on imported products. In 2025 the nation achieved self-sufficiency in poultry and 8.5% of local rice cultivation — a 4% increase from 2017, though it highlights the continued reliance on imported rice. Through this strategic agricultural expansion, Brunei is currently in the process of positioning itself to achieve its 2035 goals.
In truth, Brunei’s aim of decentralizing from oil to agriculture may not be attainable since its agriculture scene is still being developed, small in pace and scale. This raises doubt about the nation’s inability to competitively contend alongside its regional competitors as a handful of ASEAN nations have a hold of comparative advantages in contrast to Brunei as their economies are eminently agriculture-based and have been flourishing for over decades. The disadvantages faced by Brunei include high soil acidity and poor irrigation. The rice sector exemplifies this imbalance as regional neighbours accumulated 105.96 million metric tonnes of rice production in 2024/2025 compared to the country’s 1,000 metric tonnes.
So what will happen next?
Despite these resources and investments, Brunei’s economy cannot be salvaged by depending greatly on the agriculture department. According to the World Bank, approximately only 0.8% of Brunei’s land is arable, similar to Singapore’s despite Brunei being approximately 8 times larger than the latter nation. With that, becoming an agricultural society does not look promising or sustainable for the nation’s economic future. Realistically, the country must look beyond farming where it plays a supplementary role — towards more niche industries and sectors.
Maryam is a first-year International Relations and Politics student at the University of Sheffield, with an academic focus on Southeast Asia—particularly Maritime Southeast Asia—and the Middle East. She aspires to a career in diplomacy and academia and is committed to fostering international dialogue and advancing scholarly engagement with global issues. Beyond her academic work, she pursues creative interests and voluntary initiatives that broaden her perspectives on public service.
Editorial Deadline 25/01/2025 11:59 PM (UTC +8)
