When the Streets Speak
Issue 13 — Key Developments Across Brunei, Indonesia, and Malaysia
Editor’s Note
by Haniva Sekar Deanty, Lead Editor - Maritime Crescent Desk
This issue of The Maritime Crescent brings together a series of defining contrasts: anger in the streets, memory in the flag, and diplomacy across the sea. From the deadly protests in Indonesia to the reflections on Malaysia’s Merdeka, and Brunei’s diplomatic efforts in August, we are reminded that Southeast Asia’s political rhythms are never one-dimensional.
In Indonesia, a single tragedy has set off the country’s most severe reckoning in years, where public anger has pierced through political performance and economic contradiction. In Malaysia, Merdeka is remembered not just as a date, but as an evolving question of sovereignty in a world of dependencies. Meanwhile, Brunei’s steady, multi-pronged diplomacy offers a quieter reminder: that regional relevance can be earned not by size, but by consistency, clarity, and historical alignment.
Taken together, these stories ask us to consider what Southeast Asia is responding to and what it’s trying to become.
Indonesia 🇮🇩
Protests, Death, and Disconnect
by Rayhan Prabu Kusumo, in Jakarta
The death of Affan Kurniawan changed everything. The 21-year-old motorbike ride-hailing driver was run over by a police tactical vehicle on August 28 while caught in protest chaos in Jakarta. The young driver's death has transformed what began as demonstrations over economic grievances into Indonesia's most serious political crisis in years. From Jakarta to Makassar, Indonesia is burning, and the flames show no signs of dying down.
The spark that ignited this inferno was a seemingly bureaucratic announcement: Indonesian MPs had been quietly receiving approximately Rp 100 million in total monthly allowances, equivalent to 30 times the average regional minimum wage. Rather than addressing public outrage, some legislators chose to downplay the significance with tone-deaf and insulting statements, belittling critics, while others engaged in provocative dances and social media posts that appeared designed to further enrage the public.
The timing couldn't have been worse. The allowance revelation came amid seemingly dire macroeconomic conditions, with many questioning the accuracy of official economic data. While ordinary Indonesians struggle with economic uncertainty and President Prabowo Subianto's administration is imposing massive budget cuts on public services, politicians are enjoying luxury perks that most citizens could never dream of. This painful paradox—austerity for the people, luxury for the elite—finally snapped public patience.
What followed Kurniawan's death was unprecedented in scale and fury. While peaceful protests began on August 25, they turned deadly by August 28, and exploded into nationwide violence by August 29 that continues into September.
Regional parliament buildings have been burned across the archipelago, from South Sulawesi to NTB to Central Java. In Makassar alone, four people died in the violence. Protesters didn't stop at government buildings; they also targeted and ransacked the personal residences of the MPs they held responsible. Even Finance Minister Sri Mulyani's residence was attacked, the very minister widely seen as a ‘proxy’ of Indonesia's economic stability. With the military now deployed nationwide and no clear end to the protests in sight, Indonesia faces its most serious unrest since the 1998 Reformasi movement.
President Prabowo's emergency national address on August 31 showed how quickly the crisis had forced the government's hand. In a bid to contain the unrest, he announced the complete withdrawal of parliamentary allowances, imposed a foreign travel moratorium for officials, and ordered political parties to expel problematic members. Parties scrambled to comply, suspending legislators whose statements had triggered public rage.
This crisis reveals that immediate policy reversals cannot address deeper democratic deficits that have been festering for years. The speed with which economic grievances transformed into violent nationwide unrest exposes fundamental flaws in how the Indonesian state relates to its citizens. The country now faces structural questions requiring more than crisis management: genuine participatory governance mechanisms to rebuild elite-citizen trust, targeted economic reforms focused on job creation and addressing inequality, comprehensive security sector reform, and constitutional accountability mechanisms to prevent future elite privilege scandals. Without addressing these systemic issues, Indonesia will continue to lurch from crisis to crisis, with each explosion of public anger potentially more destructive than the last.
Rayhan has a background in government affairs and public policy, with experience across government institutions and advisory firms. His work focuses on the intersection of geopolitics, policy, and risk, with expertise in advocacy, regulatory analysis, and stakeholder engagement. He holds a degree in Government from Universitas Padjadjaran, and has completed an exchange at Universitat Pompeu Fabra in Spain, focusing on global politics and sustainability.
Malaysia 🇲🇾
Merdeka Beyond Freedom
by Muhammad Aiman Bin Roszaimi, in Cyberjaya
When Malaysia celebrated its independence (Merdeka) on 31 August, it was more than a commemoration of freedom from colonial rule. Merdeka is also a reminder of how the struggles of the past continue to shape our regional outlook today. Merdeka in 1957 marked the beginning of Malaysia’s journey to assert its identity by safeguarding its sovereignty. Yet, it also placed Malaysia within a broader Southeast Asian story of resilience and cooperation.
What is often overlooked is that Malaysia’s first Prime Minister, Tunku Abdul Rahman played an important role in building ASEAN a decade after independence. Just as Merdeka was about unity among Malaya’s diverse ethnic and cultural communities, ASEAN was born out of a desire to unite a fragmented region. The core principle was clear: lasting peace in Southeast Asia could only be achieved and sustained through regional solidarity in both political and economic spheres.
This legacy is deeply relevant today while Malaysia enjoys political independence, as the meaning of “sovereignty” is evolving. Economic dependencies, technological competition and security challenges such as disputes in the South China Sea test their ability to remain truly autonomous. For ASEAN, the challenge today lies in safeguarding its ‘centrality’ as the primary platform for regional dialogue and cooperation as rivalry between great powers intensifies. In practice, this means ensuring that Southeast Asia does not become a mere arena for great power competition but instead remains a region where collective voices, consensus-driven diplomacy, and regional mechanisms take precedence over external pressures.
Malaysia’s experience since Merdeka shows that independence is never static but a continuing process that demands constant adaptation. The same spirit of resilience that enabled Malaysia to navigate the turbulence of the Cold War and the uncertainties of the post-colonial era should now shape its role within ASEAN by reinforcing regional institutions, fostering consensus, and advancing the long-term project of regional integration through the ASEAN Community.
As Malaysia marks its 68th year of independence, it is worth reflecting that Merdeka was never just about breaking free. It was about building the capacity to stand together as a nation and as a region while charting our destiny on our own terms. That future must be one that offers the next generation genuine hope and lasting prosperity, enabling them to thrive with confidence in their own identity while contributing to a cohesive Southeast Asia.
In that sense, the Merdeka spirit and the ASEAN spirit are inseparable as they are bound by a shared aspiration for resilience, self-determination, and collective strength. Both remind us that ‘unity in diversity’ is not merely a rhetorical phrase, but a strategic necessity for states seeking to preserve stability and autonomy in a complex region.
Aiman is a PhD candidate in Security and Strategic Analysis at the National University of Malaysia. His research focuses on Malaysia’s space policy, ASEAN regional security, and the strategic implications of emerging technologies. His work explores how Malaysia’s defense policy and strategic culture shape its approach to outer space.
Brunei Darussalam 🇧🇳
Between Brunei’s Bilateral Diplomacy and Strategic Diversification
by Wira Gregory Ejau, in Bandar Seri Begawan
August 2025 has certainly been impactful for bilateral diplomacy in Brunei Darussalam. For the first time since 2019, His Majesty Sultan Haji Hassanal Bolkiah Mu’izzaddin Waddaulah attended Singapore’s 60th National Day Parade and diamond jubilee. It was then followed by parliamentary delegations to Indonesia and strategic dialogues with Malaysia, all within a single month. These reinforcements of relations with Brunei’s Maritime Crescent counterparts underscore one of the nation’s key strengths: leveraging bilateral diplomacy for concrete cooperation beyond ceremonial courtesy.
Following Brunei’s visit to Singapore, Defence Minister Chan Chun Sing of Singapore soon visited SAF personnel in Temburong on the 22nd of August, once more reaffirming Brunei and Singapore’s “special relationship and deep trust” regarding Brunei’s support of the Singapore Armed Forces. He was then received by His Majesty and the Crown Prince. Similarly, during the 26th Malaysia-Brunei Annual Leaders’ Consultation (ALC), Brunei and Malaysia agreed to “bilateral cooperation in various strategic areas”, while also discussing the matters of Israel, Palestine and ASEAN, demonstrating Brunei’s ability to combine principled advocacy on humanitarian causes with forward-looking plans for joint development.
Defence dialogues aside, economic cooperation also took centre stage at the 5th BDCB-MAS Bilateral Roundtable, just one week after Singapore’s National Day. There, the Brunei Darussalam Central Bank and the Monetary Authority of Singapore signed a memorandum of understanding, establishing a reciprocal cross-border collateral arrangement allowing for jurisdictional flexibility and bolstering financial stability, amongst other economic benefits. A few days later, speakers from Brunei’s Legislative Council and Indonesia’s Legislative Council and House of Representatives met in Jakarta to reaffirm the longstanding close relations between Brunei Darussalam and Indonesia. Further congratulations were extended on Indonesia’s Independence Day celebration, of which Speaker of the Legislative Council, Yang Berhormat Pehin Orang Kaya Seri Lela Dato Seri Setia Awang Haji Abdul Rahman bin Dato Setia Haji Mohamed Taib, attended in person.
Unique to Brunei’s diplomatic toolbox is its penchant for frequent, targeted engagements as opposed to one-off state trips. These create dedicated channels for distinct agendas, including but not limited to defence, economy and ceremony. This institutional depth exemplifies Brunei’s model of resilience through hands-on leadership and multi-track approaches that embrace the specific soft power of shared history; a poignant reminder that cultural unity need not preclude, but rather can underpin, pragmatic cooperation.
For bilateral relations, the dividends are invaluable. In Indonesia, parliamentary exchanges may aid in the development of legislative best practices. In Malaysia, shared advocacy for similar causes strengthens moral alliances that resonate domestically on both sides of the border. Singapore, meanwhile, continues to emerge as a staunch economic and financial partner, complementing Brunei’s current efforts to diversify its economy alongside maintaining its strategic stance. Considering Brunei faces the common narrative of a small state needing to choose between cultural alignment and modernization, ensuring a lasting impact by weaving its identity and interests into a single thread and translating high-profile visits or receptions into measurable strategic resilience is crucial.
Gregory is an MSc candidate in Strategic Studies at the S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies (RSIS), Nanyang Technological University. He works as a freelance writer specializing in international history, conflict, and counterterrorism. With experience in academia, investigative journalism, and voluntary uniformed service, he focuses on regional security developments across the Asia-Pacific, combining strategic analysis with practical field insight.
Editorial Deadline 31/08/2025 11:59 PM (UTC +8)
