Diplomacy and Discord Across the Mekong
Issue 18 — Key Developments Across Cambodia, Laos, Myanmar, and Thailand
Editor’s Note
by Mattia Peroni, Lead Editor - Mekong Belt Desk
This week in the Mekong Belt, diplomacy takes the stage, while crime and conflict keep looking behind the scenes. At the UN General Assembly, Thai Foreign Minister Sihasak took a direct stance on the border dispute with Cambodia, signaling a move away from Thailand’s traditional “bamboo diplomacy” Mr. Sihasak has long advocated for. Meanwhile, on the same podium, Bangladesh called for urgent international coordination on the Rohingya crisis, highlighting the ongoing humanitarian disaster as Myanmar’s armed groups continue fighting in Rakhine State. Beyond the diplomatic stage, human trafficking remains a persistent challenge in Cambodia, with the U.S. maintaining its Tier 3 ranking as corruption and impunity undermine enforcement. And in Laos, local communities are touched by the tension between sustainable tourism and rapid development, as Luang Prabang’s heritage and local livelihoods are now under pressure because of growing tourism and foreign-owned businesses.
Thailand 🇹🇭
A Shift in Thai Diplomacy? Reflecting on the Recent H.E. Mr. Sihasak’s Speech at the UNGA80
by Natamon Aumphin, in Bangkok
On 27 September 2024, H.E. Mr. Sihasak Phuangketkeow, Thailand’s Foreign Minister and a career diplomat of over four decades, addressed the United Nations General Assembly during the General Debate at UNGA80. He emphasized Thailand’s commitment to regional and global peace and security, warning that rising protectionism, tariffs, and conflict carry high human costs. Despite international divides, he highlighted shared challenges—disputes, inclusivity, health, and sustainable development—and stressed the need to strengthen multilateral partnerships to find common solutions to these common problems.
A key moment in the Minister’s statement was reflecting on security and inclusivity to promote peace and prosperity. Touching upon the ongoing Cambodia-Thailand border dispute, H.E. Mr. Sihasak pointed out the genuine intention of Thailand to resolve the issue through mediation and peaceful approaches. Nevertheless, he raised doubts about the Cambodian counterpart’s willingness to reciprocate, noting that repeated breaches of prior commitments prove otherwise and expressing dismay as the Cambodian counterpart turned back on his words.
The speech marked a notable shift in Thailand’s international posture, as it was among the first times that the MFA took a firm stance on the dispute on the international stage. Known for its “bamboo diplomacy,” Thailand often maintains a passive, wait-and-see approach, particularly under former Prime Minister Prayuth Chan-o-cha. While quiet diplomacy aims for neutrality, it has sparked concerns among diplomats and academics about Thailand’s direction.
Although there were efforts to promote active diplomacy during Prime Minister Paetongtarn Shinawatra’s tenure, it fell short when the border dispute erupted as the former Foreign Minister delayed the response on the matter. In this context, H.E. Mr. Sihasak’s more direct and assertive stance signals an attempt to restore Thailand’s global visibility and actively manage regional disputes, aligned with his promise to bring Thailand back to the global radar via active diplomacy.
Despite the short timeframe, H.E. Mr. Sihasak hoped to contribute to ending border disputes and bringing peace back to the region. He has high expectations to concretize collaboration with Cambodia and relevant stakeholders to cultivate positive relations with the neighbor while maintaining sovereignty.
Beyond the border issue, the Foreign Minister outlined a long-term vision for Thai diplomacy, framed around three principles: Multi-Dimensional, Multi-Directional, and Beyond Thailand. The approach seeks proactive engagement across sectors, informed by detailed impact assessments. Even with just four months remaining in his tenure, H.E. Mr. Sihasak expressed optimism about leaving a lasting mark on Thailand’s diplomatic practice, inspiring both domestic and international counterparts.
Since it is difficult to predict what will happen after this government administration’s tenure, the shift in Thai diplomacy promoted by the current Foreign Minister might just be temporary. Still, H.E. Mr. Sihasak’s contributions will leave a remarkable trail, signaling that change is possible, inspiring young diplomats and their counterparts.
Natamon has served as a rapporteur at the Institute of Security and International Studies (ISIS Thailand). She has also worked as a research assistant on diplomatic issues in Southeast Asia. Her work focuses on how domestic politics shape foreign policy in the region. She holds a degree in international relations and has experience in policy analysis, event reporting, and regional research.
Myanmar 🇲🇲
Bangladesh’s UN Appeal for International Action Amid Worsening Rohingya Crisis
by Myat Moe Kywe
On September 30, Bangladesh’s Interim Chief Advisor Mohammad Yunus called for coordinated international action to address the Rohingya crisis at the High-Level Conference on the Situation of the Rohingya Muslims and Other Minorities in Myanmar, held at the United Nations in New York.
Since 2017, when the Myanmar military increased its targeted attacks against the Rohingya, a large influx of refugees has fled to neighboring countries, with Bangladesh hosting the largest share. According to the Office of the Refugee Relief and Repatriation Commissioner in Bangladesh (RRRC), an estimated 118,000 new refugees crossed the border in 2024 alone, with the figure expected to continue rising ever since.
Earlier in August, Bangladesh hosted a two-day preparatory conference in Cox’s Bazar to address the situation of the Rohingya community ahead of the UN session. During the speech at the UN General Assembly, Yunus outlined a seven-point plan urging the international community to pressure both the Myanmar military junta and the Arakan Army (AA) to ensure safe repatriation, emphasizing that “the Rohingya crisis originated in Myanmar and its solution lies there.”
Repatriation efforts are not new. In early 2023, Bangladesh and Myanmar’s military reached an agreement to establish a pilot repatriation project with China’s mediation. The junta’s motives for the preliminary deal were deemed unclear, raising questions about whether it was intended to gain political legitimacy or was influenced by China’s influence. The initiative was heavily criticized by international organizations and domestic human rights defenders, who argued that it would put the Rohingya in an even more vulnerable position. Moreover, despite Bangladesh authorities describing the process as “voluntary repatriation,” reports from camp residents indicated cases of pressure and financial inducements being used to encourage returns. In this context, questions remain over whether the current call for a roadmap will avoid the same pitfalls.
On the ground, conditions remain volatile, with the lack of security guarantees and protections being a living reality for the remaining Rohingya residents in Myanmar. Since launching Operation 1027, the Arakan Army now controls 15 of 18 townships in Rakhine, including Paletwa in Chin State, and has established wartime governance structures that complicate any potential returns. Moreover, clashes between the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA) and the AA have intensified, with ARSA recently targeting an AA base in the Y-Hlan Zone. Allegations have emerged that Bangladesh supports ARSA and the Rohingya Solidarity Organization, while local reports suggest the Myanmar military is conscripting Rohingya men to fight against the AA. These overlapping accusations leave the Rohingya trapped in the middle of competing forces.
Against this backdrop, the Rohingya remain in an exceptionally precarious position, caught in the middle of an intra-state conflict involving contested actors and competing power struggles. Intensifying hostilities, the absence of adequate security guarantees, and the lack of political consensus in Myanmar—combined with the military’s increased use of artillery and bombardments in Rakhine—cast serious doubt not only on when Rohingya refugees will be able to return home safely, but on whether this will ever actually happen.
Myat is a senior undergraduate student majoring in Politics, Philosophy, and Economics. She has interned at The Asia Foundation in Washington, D.C., and she has also worked as a summer research assistant at the Centre for Policy and Innovation (CRPI), gaining experience in research and analysis. Her work focuses on civic engagement, gender, youth leadership, and community development.
Cambodia 🇰🇭
U.S. Maintains Tier 3 Ranking Amid Cambodia’s Human Trafficking Concerns
by Chandara Samban, in Kandal
The United States has blacklisted Cambodia for the fourth consecutive year in its 2025 Trafficking in Persons (TIP) Report, citing the government’s lack of commitment and effective action to combat human trafficking. While civil society groups agree with the report’s conclusions, arguing corruption and impunity remain at the core of the problem, Phnom Penh has rejected the assessment, arguing it overlooks the country’s progress in tackling the issue.
Released in late September, the U.S. State Department’s report placed Cambodia in Tier 3, alongside 17 other countries, including China, Russia, Iran, Syria, and Cuba. In Southeast Asia, only Cambodia, Myanmar, and Laos were placed in the lowest ranking — reserved for countries that do not meet minimum international standards on human trafficking and whose governments do not make significant efforts to do so.
Earlier in September, the U.S. Treasury Department also sanctioned 19 companies and individuals across the region — including several in Preah Sihanouk province and Bavet city — for their involvement in transnational online fraud networks.
Am Sam Ath, Operations Director at LICADHO, told The ASEAN Frontier that Cambodia’s renewed Tier 3 status is a worrying sign that the government has not taken the issue seriously enough.
“According to the report, Cambodia has shown little willingness to take effective measures to fight human trafficking,” he said, adding that “Corruption is the main obstacle, and criminals or those involved do not seem to fear law enforcement in Cambodia at all.”
In this context, Am Sam Ath urged the government to strengthen law enforcement and ensure that offenders are held accountable regardless of their political or financial power. He also called for deeper cooperation on the issue with neighboring countries and international partners, along with better training for enforcement officers.
Chou Bun Eng, Vice-Chair of the National Committee for Counter Trafficking (NCCT), dismissed the U.S. report, saying it fails to reflect the “true situation” in Cambodia.
“If there are shortcomings, they are minimal,” she said. “We have worked hard to prevent and suppress this criminal activity, and our efforts have produced real results, even if they are not immediately visible. Look, even Thailand reports many cases, yet only Cambodia, Laos, and Myanmar are in Tier 3.”
Chou Bun Eng’s words refer to the Cambodian government’s repeated pledges to crack down on human trafficking and online scams, which even led to the establishment of a special committee led by the Prime Minister to address these crimes. Still, more efforts are needed, as incidents continue to surface.
Despite government pledges and the establishment of new committees, Cambodia’s Tier 3 ranking underscores the gap between official commitments and real enforcement. This perspective echoes in the positions of experts and observers, who say that while Cambodia has made promises on paper, the government still lacks genuine political will to enforce laws and root out corruption that fuels trafficking networks. Until corruption is tackled and accountability becomes consistent, trafficking networks will continue to operate with impunity.
Chandara is a freelance journalist with a focus on foreign affairs, security issues, and ASEAN affairs. He also serves as a Junior Counterterrorism Intelligence Analyst.
Lao PDR 🇱🇦
Luang Prabang: A Sustainable Tourism Model Under Pressure
by Chammie Lo, in Vientiane
Luang Prabang, with its mix of French colonial buildings, elegant Buddhist temples, and traditional Laotian houses, has often been praised as a model of sustainable tourism in Asia. Under the 2020–24 Provincial Development Plan, the city completed 102 out of the 113 projects aimed at boosting the sector, showcasing a stunning success rate of over 90%. As a result, the city has garnered 47 ASEAN tourism awards and has been named one of the “Top 100 Sustainable Destinations in the World” by the Green Destinations Organization. Moreover, it became, earlier this year, the only province among Cambodia, Laos, Myanmar, and Vietnam to receive the Silver Award for Sustainable Tourism.
Community-based tourism has also grown, with ten villages across four districts developed as eco-tourism hubs, offering visitors more authentic experiences. Reflecting the success of this investment, the province welcomed, in the past five years, 4.23 million tourists, including 2.71 million from abroad, ultimately generating more than $2 billion in revenue.
But challenges remain. A multibillion-dollar hydropower dam, located just 25 kilometers upstream, is currently under construction. It has raised fears that the construction will change the Mekong River’s flow and also endanger Luang Prabang’s UNESCO World Heritage status. Locals worry it will affect fishing and river-based trade, vital to their livelihood.
As tourism numbers rise, so do developments along key routes such as the road to Kuang Si waterfall, where Chinese restaurants and new constructions are multiplying, threatening the old town’s distinct character. Even the traditional morning alms-giving ceremony has evolved into a staged attraction for tourists, with vendors setting up stalls for visitors to “sample” the experience. The night market, once a hub for local artisans, now predominantly offers repetitive souvenirs, providing limited income for the community.
While these small businesses are mostly run by locals, many wonder who is really benefiting from the tourism boom. Hotels, hostels, and restaurants are often owned by foreign or well-connected investors, while local communities see only limited returns.
Moreover, waste management, sewage, and landfill capacity are recurring problems. Improvements are expected in the coming years with support from the Asian Development Bank.
For Luang Prabang, the challenge is clear: heritage should be protected, and tourism benefits should be shared more equitably. Enhancing community-based tourism will be the key to preserving not only its UNESCO status, but also the culture and identity now at risk.
Chammie is a development professional working on sustainable finance and inclusive livelihoods in Laos. She holds a degree in Politics and Law from the University of Hong Kong and has contributed research insights to academic and community spaces on heat governance, climate migration, and emission transparency.
Editorial Deadline 03/10/2025 11:59 PM (UTC +8)
