Editor’s Note
by Haniva Sekar Deanty, Lead Editor - Maritime Crescent Desk
In Malaysia, our guest writer unpacked the renewed scrutiny of the Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission that underscores the fragility of institutional trust when oversight bodies themselves become subjects of controversy.
Across the strait, our Indonesian correspondent, Rayhan Jasin, looks at how political cost structures, selective enforcement and weakened deterrence mechanisms contribute to the regression of the country’s corruption index, suggesting that rhetoric alone is not sufficient to combat the structural malaise.
In Brunei, Maryam assesses the preservation of tenunan Brunei representing the resilience of artisanal craftsmanship, protected through tradition and human skill. In a region wrestling with questions of institutional integrity, the quiet persistence of tenunan offers a different lesson: what survives is what communities are willing to safeguard.
Malaysia 🇲🇾
Who Will Watch The Watchmen?
by Nora
On February 12, Bloomberg broke the story of the Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission’s (MACC) alleged collusion with local businessmen to take over Malaysian companies through unlawful means, including threats of arrest to force relinquishment. Significantly, MACC Chief Commissioner Azam Baki was himself implicated, with the report revealing his alleged shareholding of more than RM700,000 in a listed company jointly owned by the main suspects in what has been described as “corporate mafiaism.”
The MACC has denied any wrongdoing, accusing Bloomberg of defamation and speculative reporting. Yet this is far from the first controversy to plague the agency since its 2009 overhaul. Most recently, the case of Pamela Ling — who was reportedly kidnapped in broad daylight after filing a judicial review against the MACC — sparked nationwide outrage and calls for an independent probe into both the MACC and the police. Her abduction remains unsolved. As this latest situation escalates, it raises a pressing question: can Malaysia, under its purported new era of reform and integrity, truly rid itself of entrenched corruption, or is reform merely another campaign promise destined to go unfulfilled?
Anti-corruption reform is inherently difficult to implement when existing institutional frameworks are themselves deeply flawed and risk perpetuating the very practices they are meant to eliminate. The challenge is compounded when the MACC enjoys firm backing from the country’s leadership. Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim has stood by both the MACC and its Chief Commissioner despite mounting criticism. Across party lines — from former PKR Economy Minister Rafizi Ramli to PAS Information Chief Ahmad Fadhli Shaari — figures have called for accountability. Anwar, however, has urged Malaysians to “hear him out,” stressing that investigations into the allegations are ongoing.
Although initially strained, relations between Anwar and the MACC appeared to strengthen after he took office in 2022. Bloomberg reports that the agency initiated at least four investigations into Anwar’s political rivals after Azam was retained under his administration. Given this context, Anwar’s reluctance to lead a more forceful push for accountability risks signaling a lack of resolve from the MADANI government to deliver meaningful reform, even as he eyes a second term.
In response to the scandal, the Cabinet announced the formation of a special task force to investigate the allegations against the MACC. Attorney-General Mohd Dusuki Mokhtar will head the committee — a decision that has drawn criticism from civil society groups such as G25 Malaysia and several cross-party MPs. Critics point to a potential conflict of interest, as the Attorney-General concurrently serves as the government’s chief legal adviser and public prosecutor. To this, electoral reform coalition Bersih led a protest on February 15 demanding the resignation of Azam, an initial call to action that underscores a renewed push for institutional reform.
Anti-corruption has long been central to Anwar’s political narrative. In his 2026 New Year message, he pledged decisive action to address longstanding governance weaknesses. Yet as pressure mounts, the question remains how long his administration can sustain this promise while balancing political alliances with its commitment to reform.
Nora is an external contributor at TAF.
Indonesia 🇮🇩
Indonesia’s Dwindling Corruption Perception Index
by Muhammad Rayhansyah Jasin
The state of Indonesia’s endemic corruption has regressed 12 years back to where it was in 2014 as Transparency International puts Indonesia’s Corruption Perception Index (CPI) score at 34, 3 points lower than in 2024. CPI measures the public’s perception of good governance practices and instances of corruption on a scale from 0 (minimum to no corruption) to 100 (very corrupt) . Indonesia’s CPI score had gradually improved under former President Joko Widodo’s first term, reaching its peak of 40 in 2019 before tumbling again to 34 in 2022. When he left office in October 2024, CPI score had gone up again to 37, placing the country at 99 out of 180 countries.
President Prabowo Subianto’s turbulent first year in office however, marked with a Gen Z-led national uprising, unveiling of mega corruption cases in Pertamina and PT. Timah, and the controversial revision of the TNI Law, soured public’s perception of corruption and lowered investors and business actors’ trust in Indonesia’s political system. In fact, Out of the 9 metrics used to conjure the overall CPI score, Indonesia’s World Competitiveness score, measured to track country’s business-friendly environment, declined the most by 19 points to 26 with ranking dropping to 40 out of 69 countries. Such dramatic decline pointed to Indonesia’s unreliable law enforcement mechanism and stagnant growth of its human capital, hindering its attractiveness to foreign investments.
Prabowo’s repeated declaration of war against corruption felt half-hearted as corruption proceedings only touched the surface without addressing its systemic root causes. The high cost of politics often motivates elected officials to steal and misappropriate public funds to return their personal capital used up during campaigns and for establishing networks. A 2020 study by the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) found that the average cost of running for local governments’ executives posts; mayor, municipal heads , and governors, could go as high as 100 Billion Rupiah. The high disparity between political cost compared to annual earnings has aggravated corrupt behaviors through public budget markups, procurement manipulation, and practices of trading influence and bureaucratic posts as internal inspectors are themselves captured by collusion scandals. Political reforms are needed to lower the cost of political participation to ensure merit-based selection of public administration.
Corruption cases have also been investigated only to spur public narratives of combatting corruption without ever unraveling intellectual actors behind them. The overreliance on KPK’s sting operations as an indicator of active handling of corruption has actually reflected the failure of state mechanisms to prevent corrupt practices in the first place. Instead of being viewed as an ultimate remedy, their frequency is treated as a successful metric. Judicial proceedings could not give punitive detriment effect as many indicted officials were given reduced sentencing and even outright acquittals.
Ultimately, Indonesia’s public corruption perception depends on the realized actions of its central government and the chief executive, President Prabowo Subianto, in maintaining a clean government and advancing law enforcement reforms. Unfortunately, his recent slew of nepotism-fueled appointments, misaligned policies, and an anti-criticism, militaristic authoritarian governing style had suggested otherwise.
Rayhan is pursuing an Erasmus Mundus Joint Master’s Degree in Public Policy at Central European University and the Institut Barcelona d’Estudis Internacionals. He holds a Bachelor of Social Sciences in International Relations and Political Economy from Ritsumeikan Asia Pacific University. His current research focuses on the socio-economic impacts of Indonesia’s nickel mining industry on local communities and national development.
Brunei Darussalam 🇧🇳
Woven to be Timeless
by Maryam Zulaidi
The art of weaving threads is more than that of fabrics and textiles. It is a cultural legacy bridging southeast asian nations together. Almost every southeast asian nation has their own rendition of weaving, motifs and woven textiles, which are all called under different names. In Brunei woven textiles are known as ‘kain tenunan’ or simply ‘tenunan’. Where the tradition originated in Brunei’s very own Water Village predating the 16th century. This craftsmanship has been inherited for decades and traditional techniques conserved by Brunei Arts and Handicrafts Training Centre (BAHTC).
The handwoven textile holds great cultural significance. It is usually given as a token of appreciation or as a wedding gift, symbolising the welcoming of an individual into the family. According to traditional perceptions, the type of tenunan given to her is a reflection of her value and an indicator of the groom’s socioeconomic standing. Back then, both men and women would wear tenunan often. Though, today tenunan is only ceremonial. It is donned during state occasions, weddings and worn by the male demographic during eid while women typically wear them during the ‘Mandi Belawat’ event – a ceremony celebrating and welcoming the birth of one’s firstborn.
Lately, fashion events have drastically expanded worldwide. Brunei can step into the dynamic fashion scene that seems to have dominated Southeast Asia recently by promoting its tenunan. Perhaps even expanding to farther regions. Ventures on tenunan can offer exceptional prospects to the nation. In 2002 and 2003, BAHTC received the ‘Seal of Excellence’ awarded by UNESCO for their sophisticated embellishment of tenunan ‘Silubang Bangsi’. Through global tenunan promotions, they can possibly be a stepping stone for the kingdom’s textile and fashion industry. Moreso, it can also function as a political tool. One of Brunei’s fashion icons and member of the royal family, Princess Anisha Rosnah donned Tenunan Brunei designed by Dior during her royal wedding, bringing international exposure to the woven fabric.
In Brunei, Islam is central, so if it opts to leverage its tenunan industry more globally, the nation can start participating in events like Modest Fashion Week with contributors coming from over 40 countries. By joining the given fashion occasions, local designers and craftsmen will be able to showcase their talents while still presenting pieces that are Sharia-compliant. For instance, Malaysia’s very own creative duo Rizman Ruzaini made their debut at Dubai Fashion Week in 2023, where the collection incorporated embellishments drawn from Malaysia’s traditional woven motifs. One of their dresses was modeled by Naomi Campbell. The collection was then displayed at the Victoria & Albert Museum in June 2024.
Through unveiling tenunan to the global fashion industry, Brunei stands to gain economic advantages. Among them is securing labour productivity as the detailed, knowledge-based craftsmanship cannot be duplicated by modern technologies. Although some machineries have sought to imitate the designs and techniques, they remain inadequate to replicate and endure the artisanal value and precision of genuine tenunan. To conclude, tenunan is more than just a traditional fabric, it opens possibilities of commercial, political and economic opportunities for Brunei.
Maryam is a first-year International Relations and Politics student at the University of Sheffield, with an academic focus on Southeast Asia—particularly Maritime Southeast Asia—and the Middle East. She aspires to a career in diplomacy and academia and is committed to fostering international dialogue and advancing scholarly engagement with global issues. Beyond her academic work, she pursues creative interests and voluntary initiatives that broaden her perspectives on public service.
Editorial Deadline 14/02/2025 11:59 PM (UTC +8)
