Hanoi’s Off to the Races
Issue 20 — Key Developments Across the Philippines, Singapore, and Vietnam
Editor’s Note
by Karen Ysabelle R. David, Lead Editor - Pacific Corridor Desk
This week in the Pacific Corridor, we see Vietnam take the field as it prepares to host the signing ceremony for a landmark global treaty on cybercrime. Through what correspondent Tri Vo calls “dark horse diplomacy,” Hanoi is running with this opportunity to leverage its influence as a middle power to swing the pendulum of global policy closer to national ones. Even at this early stage, the so-called Hanoi Convention is already shaping up to be a diplomatic win.
In contrast, Arianne De Guzman writes that the Philippines’ foreign policy outlook is much less triumphant, as the United States’ “Keep Call Centers in America Act” raises fears about the survival of the Philippines’ business process outsourcing sector. This, coupled with the rapid advancement of artificial intelligence, may well sound the death knell for a once-promising industry.
Meanwhile, Nurul Aini focuses on Singapore’s domestic situation this week. With Prime Minister Lawrence Wong promoting the concept of a “we-first society,” this week’s article examines how this rhetoric affects schools in the city-state.
Vietnam 🇻🇳
Dark Horse Diplomacy: Vietnam’s Progress from Rule-Taker to Rule-Maker
by Tri Vo, in Ho Chi Minh City
On 25 and 26 October 2025, diplomats from around the world will gather in Hanoi for the signing ceremony of the United Nations (UN) Convention against Cybercrime. The landmark, if somewhat contentious, treaty has already acquired a powerful moniker: the “Hanoi Convention.” This branding is no mere fluke but a representation of a decisive victory of Vietnam’s long diplomatic arc, the apotheosis of which is the gradual transformation of a middle power who has taken rules into one that shapes them on the world stage. By hosting this event, Vietnam skillfully engages in norm architecting, utilizing a complex multilateral process to punch above its weight in influence and seek global validation for the country’s own vision of a managed, sovereign cyberspace.
The new UN document marks a major departure from the previous global standard, as outlined in the 2001 Budapest Convention, which was primarily championed by Western nations and emphasized individual rights. The UN’s five-year negotiation process was global in scope but also much more state-centric, reflecting the substantial input of many emerging nations whose greater concerns lay in internal security. Indeed, while the convention provides new tools for safeguarding national security against digital crime, it has drawn sharp criticism from over 100 civil society groups for the expansive surveillance powers it vests in national governments, while leaving human rights safeguards weak.
Yet, what might have been quite unpalatable to Western nations was carried to its conclusion, and this is where Vietnam’s strategy comes into sharper focus. International relations theory suggests that small and middle powers, lacking the hard power of larger states, can still exert considerable influence by championing new norms within specific diplomatic “niches.” Since the late 1980s, Vietnam has pursued a foreign policy of “diversification and multilateralization,” embedding itself deep in institutions like ASEAN, the UN, other other like-minded nations to enhance its international standing vis-à-vis other great powers through the use of collective heft. Furthermore, by positioning one of its diplomatic niches in the global cybercrime debate, Hanoi is striving to utilize the limited power that it possesses in a global policy subject that it places great emphasis on.
Indeed, hosting the signing ceremony serves another purpose: it provides international legitimation for Vietnam’s own domestic approach to the internet as the country has built a strict legal framework, including a 2018 cybersecurity law, that prioritizes national security development and a state-centric philosophy that hews closely with the more contentious aspects of the new UN document. By anchoring its model in a UN-backed instrument, Hanoi can deflect external criticism and frame its policies as part of a global standard.
Finally, the event manifests Vietnam’s status as an influential middle power that conducts norm entrepreneurship, not through the performance of vulnerability, but through the proactive shaping of global agendas. Regardless of the outcome of the treaty, Vietnam has reaped the reputational benefits by attaching its capital to a pivotal moment in global digital governance. This also demonstrates how ASEAN states can skillfully navigate the currents of multilateralism to advance their national interests and carve out a greater voice on the international stage against the usual cacophony of great powers’ din.
Tri has experience in management consulting and strategy, having worked with institutions such as the UNDP, The Asia Group, and ARC Group. He has provided strategic, legal, and operational insights to clients in sectors including manufacturing, energy, and technology. He holds both academic and professional experience related to Southeast and East Asia, with a focus on regional development and policy.
The Philippines 🇵🇭
Can the Philippines’ BPO Sector Survive?
by Arianne De Guzman, in Bulacan
On 10 October 2025, Philippine Ambassador Jose Manuel Romualdez urged United States (US) legislators to exclude the country from a newly filed bill, the “Keep Call Centers in America Act,” which would penalize American companies for outsourcing overseas call center operations by losing federal grants or loans.
According to recent reports, the Philippines’ business process outsourcing (BPO) sector, valued at roughly US$30 billion and employing nearly 2 million people, is expected to be affected by this protectionist US policy.
Following these developments, the Philippine Department of Trade and Industry (DTI) reported on 17 October that it will consult BPO leaders to evaluate the projected impact and prepare a proposed plan as a response to the aforementioned bill. As DTI Secretary Cristina Roque stipulated, “We are not sure yet if it is really going to happen, but… it is really best that we get to meet them because… we want to find solutions, and… they will be able to tell us their recommendations.”
Aside from protectionist policies, the Philippine BPO sector is suffering losses from the advancement in artificial intelligence (AI) to automate call center systems. ChatGPT, customer service bots, and robotic process automation are now used to make customer interactions and repetitive tasks more efficient.
Experts warn that 20%-40% of voice-based and data entry work could be automated within the next five years. Should this happen, the Philippines could also suffer a US$10 billion loss annually, while such massive layoffs could compel more Filipinos to seek employment overseas, which in turn could possibly increase the country’s reliance on remittances.
Bienvenido Laguesma, the Secretary of the Department of Labor and Employment (DOLE), disclosed that many call center agents are already losing their jobs. Other industry experts are predicting that around 300,000 Filipinos could be out of work in the next five years due to the adoption of AI in the workplace.
Donald Lim, the founding president of the Global AI and Blockchain Councils, affirmed that since BPO firms are among the country’s top taxpayers, massive layoffs also mean a reduction in government income, affecting essential services, while unemployment could generate a spike in poverty rates, loan defaults, and lowered values of condominiums near BPO companies.
Currently, at a policy level, the DTI has launched a National AI Strategy Roadmap 2.0 to position the Philippines as a regional AI powerhouse. Yet, Philippine businesses still lag in AI adoption, with only 14.9% of them using technology despite 81% of them having internet access.
These developments demonstrate how a bill from another country can trigger global political and economic shifts, impacting a developing country’s labor market. On the other hand, the Philippines’ plan to convince the US reveals the country’s economic dependence on foreign companies, which calls for equipping Filipinos with indigenous technological capacity.
For ASEAN, the challenge is to move away from being an outsourcing hub and become a self-sustaining driver of the global digital economy. Thus, ASEAN member states should collaborate on digital upskilling programs, strengthen cross-border ethical AI governance, and build regional tech ecosystems to retain more value within the region.
Arianne has worked in legal research at the Philippines Department of Justice and in policy research at De La Salle University’s Jesse M. Robredo Institute of Governance, supporting projects on systemic reform. She holds a degree in Political Science from Colegio de San Juan de Letran and is pursuing a master’s in Sociology at the University of the Philippines Diliman. She is also involved in youth development and grassroots advocacy through the Rotaract Club of Santa Maria.
Singapore 🇸🇬
We-First Society (I): Enhancing the Disciplinary Framework Across Schools
by Nurul Aini, in Singapore
Prime Minister Lawrence Wong’s rhetoric of a “we-first society” emphasizes an image of a society where interactions between communities are based on openness, care, and compassion, which consequently leads to the strengthening of bonds among fellow Singaporeans. This concept is meant to be a somewhat nostalgic adaptation of the kampong spirit in a metropolitan city. However, how close are we to achieving this ideal, beginning from the educational sphere?
In August 2025, three primary school students were suspended for bullying a classmate. One among the three, having obtained the victim’s mother’s contact number from a parent, threatened, via WhatsApp audio messaging, to dissect the victim. According to the Ministry of Education (MOE), the victim herself had initially engaged in the use of offensive and racial slurs in class, resulting in an exchange of similar slurs among the students involved. Subsequently, a series of unpleasant events ensued with teachers monitoring the situation before matters escalated. Despite one of the perpetrators caned, the victim’s mother took to social media to expose the death threats.
This layered episode of disciplinary lapse was widely contested. Some insisted on harsh punishment against the perpetrators. Meanwhile, Associate Professor Jason Tan from the National Institute of Education (NIE) prompts us to consider the balancing act that teachers—being the first point of contact—must do in investigating such bullying incidents, amidst the administrative and classroom workload they must handle. Professor Tan also questions the practical possibilities of translating theories learned in MOE’s Character and Citizenship Education lessons into impactful actions that truly result in a healthy school environment among students. Senior Lecturer at Center for Educational Development in Republic Polytechnic Emilia Idris also suggests that parents should look at such situations from a multi-dimensional perspective and to consider the role that they can play in raising empathetic children in the digital world.
Since early 2025, MOE has internally reviewed schools’ anti-bullying policies and plans to strengthen the framework for discipline, rehabilitation, and restorative practices in schools. Beyond frameworks, MOE will share resources with parents to encourage positive role modeling and on how to have conversations with their children on positive behaviours. Parent support groups, educators, professionals, and the community will also be consulted.
Meanwhile, the government has also stepped up regulatory efforts against vaping in educational institutions. From 1 September 2025, students caught vaping may face school-based penalties such as detention, suspension, caning (for boys), conduct grade adjustments, and rehabilitative counseling. Students from institutes of higher learning may face the withdrawal of leadership opportunities, overseas exchange or scholarships, eviction from hostels for university students, and fines or community service. Repeat offenders and traffickers may be suspended or expelled. However, even with tighter penalties, Singaporeans continue to cross borders to purchase vapes in Malaysia, demonstrating that prohibition alone cannot curb desire when communal norms fail to reinforce collective responsibility.
In relation to the kampong spirit, tighter disciplinary frameworks from the top-down can act as an important penalty against unpleasant behaviors. However, the whole-of-society approach requires that individuals themselves understand that developing soft skills and civic responsibility is equally critical, if not even more so.
Aini is currently pursuing a master’s degree in English literature at Nanyang Technological University. She has experience working in youth groups, contributing to the planning and management of outreach activities.
Editorial Deadline 21/10/2025 11:59 PM (UTC +8)
