Editor’s Note
by Haniva Sekar Deanty, Lead Editor - Maritime Crescent Desk
This week, Rayhan Prabu looks at how Indonesia’s government is moving forward with a proposal to overhaul its regional election system, a shift that would mark a major departure from two decades of post-Reformasi political practice. While it has generated broad elite backing in parliament, the proposal still drew resistance, raising questions about representation, electoral legitimacy and the future direction of decentralised governance.
In Malaysia, Muhammad Aiman reports on Malaysia confronting one of its most serious defence-sector integrity challenges in recent years as investigations into military procurement corruption continue to expand. The case has drawn in significant figures, prompting intervention from political leadership and triggered public concern from the monarchy.
Brunei correspondent Wira Gregory, this week, assesses the commemoration of 50 years of defence ties between Singapore and Brunei, marked by official events and joint exercises. This milestone reflects the durability of defence cooperation between the two countries amid a changing regional security environment, further implying the importance of ASEAN’s military cooperation in times of uncertainty.
Indonesia 🇮🇩
Selling Out the Birthright
by Rayhan Prabu Kusumo, in Jakarta
When millions of Indonesians cast their ballots in 2024 to elect governors, mayors, and regents, few realized they might be exercising this right for the final time. Just a year later, President Prabowo Subianto proposed ending direct voting for local leaders and returning power to legislative councils. Twenty years of democratic progress hangs in the balance.
For three decades under Suharto, regional leaders were appointed through local legislative councils until 1998 Reformasi. By 2025, direct elections by citizens became law. This decentralization birthed a new generation of politicians, including a businessman-turned-mayor of Surakarta named Joko Widodo, who rode his popular appeal all the way to presidency. Ironically, Widodo became the key architect of Prabowo’s rise, tacitly blessing his push to dismantle the very ladder he climbed.
The November 2024 regional elections cost 37.5 trillion rupiah (US$ 2.2 billion), a figure Prabowo’s administration now wields as justification for change. Almost all political parties in parliament have lined up behind the proposal to scrap direct voting. Only PDI-P stands in opposition. However, polling reveals a jarring disconnect: 67% of Prabowo’s own voters reject indirect elections, as do majorities of voters from all coalition parties backing the proposal. This means political elites in Jakarta are championing an agenda their grassroots despise.
Prabowo and his allies frame the proposal as pragmatic reform, not authoritarian regression. Their case rests on three pillars: cost efficiency, effectiveness, and anti-corruption. Direct elections, they argue, drain state coffers and force candidates into ruinous campaign spending. Money politics and vote-buying, they claim, have turned democracy into an auction. The proposal is presented as rational policy correction to preserve democracy’s substance while shedding its corruption-prone excesses.
The efficiency argument collapses under scrutiny. If cost-cutting truly mattered, why not scrutinize Prabowo’s expensive flagship programs? His free meal initiative alone requires hundreds of trillions in annual spending. On wealthy candidates dominating, the problem is campaign finance opacity. Those “expensive political costs” never appear in official reports and would simply move behind closed doors under indirect elections. On corruption and performance, the real culprits are weak party vetting, poor cadre monitors, and selective law enforcement that lets vote-buying and social aid manipulation go unpunished. Yet the proposal leaves these failures untouched while eliminating the one force that might hold elites accountable: the electorate itself.
Strip away the rhetoric, and the agenda emerges: elite power consolidation. Indirect elections would concentrate control among Jakarta’s political oligarchs by insulating regional leadership from public accountability. It’s a return to Suharto’s patronage playbook, where local leaders owe allegiance to party leaders rather than constituents. This fits with Prabowo’s first-year pattern—a centralized cabinet, top-down control, and diminishing transparency.
Indonesia does need an election reform, but one that strengthens democratic accountability, not destroys it. Weak party governance, absence of campaign transparency, rampant vote-buying, and politicians who neglect constituents are the real problems. Instead of addressing these failures, the political class has chosen the authoritarian shortcut. Democracy hasn’t failed Indonesia. The political class refuses accountability and is dismantling the system rather than fixing itself.
Rayhan has a background in government affairs and public policy, with experience across government institutions and advisory firms. His work focuses on the intersection of geopolitics, policy, and risk, with expertise in advocacy, regulatory analysis, and stakeholder engagement. He holds a degree in Government from Universitas Padjadjaran, and has completed an exchange at Universitat Pompeu Fabra in Spain, focusing on global politics and sustainability.
Malaysia 🇲🇾
Corruption at the Gates of National Security
by Muhammad Aiman Bin Roszaimi, in Cyberjaya
Malaysia’s defence establishment has been thrust into a crisis of credibility and governance as a sweeping corruption scandal involving military procurement continues to unfold. What began in late 2025 as a series of isolated allegations has grown into one of the most sensitive integrity challenges in recent memory. Which implicates senior armed forces officers, defence suppliers and fracturing public trust in an institution entrusted with national security.
The Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission (MACC) has led the investigations since October 2025, focusing on alleged irregularities and bribery within army procurement projects between 2023 and 2025. The probe known internally as Ops Parasit and Ops Star has uncovered suspected cartel-like tender manipulation and unexplained flows of cash and assets. President of MACC Tan Sri Azam Baki confirmed that hundreds of millions in cash, gold, luxury watches, jewellery, vehicles and bank accounts have been seized or frozen in connection with the cases, reflecting the scale of the accusations.
Among those implicated was a former Chief of Army, who was placed on leave in December 2025 amid allegations of illicit cash inflows into his accounts, reportedly linked to procurement deals. He and his family were detained during the investigation; he was later released and entered early retirement.
Prime Minister Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim responded decisively by ordering an immediate freeze on all procurement decisions involving the military and police where corruption was suspected, pending a full review of existing procedures. He stressed that the government would restructure the procurement process to ensure transparency and compliance with regulations.
Defence Minister Datuk Seri Mohamed Khaled Nordin has committed to a major overhaul of the Defence Ministry’s anti-corruption framework, promising a comprehensive review of tender practices and tender governance to align with best practices. Such reforms include improving transparency in tenders for strategic defence equipment and instilling a zero-tolerance culture toward corruption.
The scandal has drawn rare and public rebuke from His Majesty Sultan Ibrahim Iskandar, King of Malaysia and supreme commander of the armed forces, who described corruption as “the main enemy” of military credibility and warned that the ongoing probe might be “just the tip of the iceberg.” The monarch has pledged to pursue corruption across all levels of public service, urging citizens and officials alike to report wrongdoing and support swift prosecution.
Analysts and civil society voices have highlighted that the problem goes beyond a few bad actors. Decades-long structural flaws in defence procurement including opaque tendering, limited parliamentary oversight of large contracts and entrenched patronage networks have created fertile ground for misconduct.
The implications of this scandal are profound. A defence force’s legitimacy hinges not only on its capability but on its integrity. Corruption erodes public trust and weakens Malaysia’s strategic position in a region where defence and security are closely linked to geopolitical shifts. As the investigative and reform processes continue, the challenge for Malaysia will be to transform this crisis into a turning point that strengthens governance and ensures that the defence establishment can fulfil its mandate free from corruption.
Aiman is a PhD candidate in Security and Strategic Analysis at the National University of Malaysia. His research focuses on Malaysia’s space policy, ASEAN regional security, and the strategic implications of emerging technologies. His work explores how Malaysia’s defense policy and strategic culture shape its approach to outer space.
Brunei Darussalam 🇧🇳
50 Years Strong
by Wira Gregory Ejau, in Bandar Seri Begawan
The year of 2026 has started strongly as Singapore and Brunei have marked a significant milestone this January with the 50 years commemoration of defence relations, celebrating one of ASEAN’s most enduring bilateral military partnerships. The celebrations, anchored by a commemorative dinner hosted by Singapore’s Chief of Defence Force Vice-Admiral (VADM) Aaron Beng in Bandar Seri Begawan, brought together current and former defence leaders from both nations. The event, attended by Brunei’s Minister at the Prime Minister’s Office and Minister of Defence II Pehin Datu Lailaraja Major General (Rtd) Dato Paduka Seri Awang Halbi Mohd Yussof, highlighted the longevity and strategic depth of the relationship.
At the dinner, VADM Beng emphasized that the bilateral partnership has enabled both armed forces to operate effectively together over the past five decades. He noted that the relationship is about preserving past achievements, adapting to new challenges, and contributing to regional peace and stability in the decades ahead. To symbolize this commitment, the Singapore-Brunei 50th Anniversary (SG-BRU 50) logo was launched jointly by VADM Beng and Commander of the Royal Brunei Armed Forces (RBAF), Major General Dato Paduka Seri Muhammad Haszaimi Bol Hassan. The logo, to be worn by personnel during bilateral engagements throughout 2026, represents mutual recognition, trust, and loyalty.
The bilateral defence relationship has grown steadily in scope and complexity. This month, the Singapore Army and the Royal Brunei Land Force are conducting the 29th Exercise Maju Bersama and the 25th Exercise Rintis Bersama.
Such sustained cooperation reflects the ongoing bilateral investment in defence diplomacy to reinforce regional stability. Singapore and Brunei, despite their size, have consistently leveraged military-to-military ties to project reliability and resilience within ASEAN’s security architecture, exemplifying how bilateral defence relations can serve as stabilizing anchors in a region where great-power competition increasingly shapes strategic choices.
The commemoration of SG-BRU 50 comes at a time when ASEAN faces evolving security challenges, from maritime disputes in the South China Sea to non-traditional threats such as cyber warfare and climate-related instability. Within this context, the Singapore-Brunei partnership demonstrates the utility of long-term defence cooperation as a hedge against uncertainty. By institutionalizing joint exercises and professional exchanges, both countries ensure interoperability and mutual trust, qualities that are indispensable in collective responses to regional crises.
With five decades of defence ties, the trajectory of their cooperation suggests continuity and adaptation. The emphasis on exercises such as Maju Bersama and Rintis Bersama continues to reinforce practical interoperability while the symbolic SG-BRU 50 logo reflects the importance of identity and trust in sustaining partnerships. Going forward, the future projection of both nations’ cooperation is likely to expand cooperation into emerging domains such as cyber defence, humanitarian assistance, and disaster relief: areas increasingly relevant to ASEAN’s collective security agenda.
Ultimately, the commemoration of 50 years of defence relations is a reaffirmation of the strategic logic underpinning Singapore-Brunei ties that demonstrate that enduring partnerships, built on trust and shared values, can serve as stabilizing forces in a region defined by flux.
Gregory is an MSc candidate in Strategic Studies at the S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies (RSIS), Nanyang Technological University. He works as a freelance writer specializing in international history, conflict, and counterterrorism, with experience in academia, investigative journalism, and voluntary uniformed service. He currently provides research assistance with the International Institute for Strategic Studies (IISS) under their Southeast Asian Security and Defence Internship Programme and conducts investigations on regional security and transnational crime for a confidential company.
Editorial Deadline 17/01/2026 11:59 PM (UTC +8)
The disconnect between Indonesian elites and voters on teh regional election proposal is pretty stark. That 67% rejection rate among Prabowo voters shows the grassroots intuition about concentrated power. Back when I was researching decentralized goverance models, this exact tension came up constantly. The cost efficiency argument feels hollow when you compare it to other budgget priorities, its basically trading democratic accountability for patronage networks.