Editor’s Note
By Siu Tzyy Wei, Lead Editor - Maritime Crescent Desk
This week, we look at what gets put on record, and what must still be accounted for.
Malaysia’s deaths in custody raise urgent questions about police accountability and the institutions responsible for protecting the public. Meanwhile, Brunei’s relationship with the European Union presents opportunities to turn diplomatic engagement into more substantive cooperation. In the meantime, as Indonesia moves into its second year with the Prabowo administration, colours that once resembled rivalry unite the people of Yogyakarta in memory and in honour of their struggles as a society.
Whether through the commitments governments make or the cases they must answer for, the record matters. So does what happens after it is written.
Malaysia 🇲🇾
To “Kill” A Jailbird
by Sydney Gan, in Kuala Lumpur
On September 9th, Noorizwan Zulkefly was brought into the Cheras police headquarters on suspicion of drug possession, housebreaking, and theft. Eleven days later, he was found dead in detention. His autopsy revealed no harm to his internal organs, but found multiple external bodily injuries. The final cause of death remains uncertified. Since then, Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim, in a rare acknowledgement of custodial deaths, has ordered the Inspector-General of Police to conduct a transparent probe into Noorizwan’s case.
Alleged police brutality is unfortunately one that Malaysians know all too well. Last year, a staggering total of 42 deaths in custody were recorded - a 2021 study found that victims of custodial deaths were mostly males with a mean and median age of 37 years. More than half were found to be of Malay/Bumiputera descent, but Indian Malaysians are known to be over-represented in police custody deaths. For many custodial cases, inquests often attributed deaths to natural causes (most, like asthma, jaundice, and tuberculosis, treatable with medical intervention), suicide, and drug overdoses, but none truly align with the miscarriage of justice experienced behind closed doors.
Interventions and investigation protocols in place, namely referrals to the Independent Policy Conduct Commission (IPCC), are lacklustre and toothless mechanisms that serve as a bureaucratic buffer against true accountability - a lazy stopgap to pacify dissenters and human rights groups. Since the IPCC’s inception under the Independent Police Conduct Commission Act 2022, civil society organizations have criticized the Commission for its lack of independent oversight, as its membership charter allows police officers to be part of the investigation processes.
The Bar Council also highlighted the Commission’s lack of meaningful investigative and disciplinary powers, which, more often than not, results in a deference to the Police Force Commission, completely undermining the purpose of a third-party investigative body. It is also important to note that where the IPCC successfully makes a case for police misconduct, any recommendations issued are not legally obliged to be acted upon. It is therefore no surprise that most police officers found responsibility easily sidestep prosecution; this reflects a larger systemic failing, one that policymakers seem to be disinterested in addressing meaningfully.
Legislative reform must come in the shape of dedicated regulation shaped around custodial rights and welfare. Malaysia currently does not have sufficient legal safeguards in place to report the infringement of such rights, much less proactively prevent them. As such, the nation must look towards a non-negotiable statutory duty of investigation, held independently from the police, and to consider the appointment of an impartial, third-party human rights watchdog who has the power to enforce accountability on the currently ungovernable authorities.
Noorizwan’s unjustifiable death sparked a nationwide conversation on custodial deaths that has empowered more families of other victims to demand answers from the police. As policy discussions regarding police authority and accountability continue to develop, this is a key opportunity for Anwar’s Unity Government to make good on reform promises and deliver tangible changes to the corrupt norm of the police system.
Sydney holds a Bachelor of Laws from King’s College London, where she focused on Human Rights Law, Criminology, and Public & Administrative Law. She is an Analyst at Asia Group Advisors, providing policy analysis and strategic guidance across the tech, sustainability, and gaming sectors in Southeast Asia. Prior to joining AGA, she worked in the social development sector in London, contributing to the Ukraine Judicial Training Programme through research on war crimes adjudication and the development of a legal training curriculum with high court magistrates.
Brunei Darussalam 🇧🇳
Can Brunei Turn Europe’s Interest into Opportunity?
by Syimah Johari, in Bandar Seri Begawan
In September 2026, The European Union (EU) and the Philippines reached a substantial agreement, reflecting bilateral efforts to diversify their economic relationships amid growing global trade uncertainty. The agreement aims to strengthen trade and investment ties while building more resilient supply chains. As global trade becomes less predictable, the EU is also looking to deepen its economic engagement with Southeast Asia.
For Brunei Darussalam, this presents a question: how can it turn Europe’s growing interest in the region into opportunities for its own economic diversification?
Brunei has already taken steps to strengthen its relationship with the EU. In April 2026, the country hosted the 25th ASEAN-EU Ministerial Meeting, which emphasised the need to deepen trade and investment cooperation between the regions. Both sides identified areas such as digital trade, green technologies and supply-chain resilience as priorities for further cooperation. These discussions provide a starting point for Brunei to explore how closer ties with Europe could support its economic development.
Closer relations with the EU could support Brunei’s efforts to reduce its reliance on oil and gas. European businesses could bring investment, technology and expertise that help Brunei develop other industries. For example, Brunei could explore opportunities to work with European partners in renewable energy, or by developing more products from its existing resources, as it looks to develop new areas of economic activity.
Digital development offers another opportunity. Cooperation with European businesses and institutions could strengthen Brunei’s digital capabilities and develop the skills needed to support technology-related services. This would help local businesses adapt to a changing economy and allow Brunei to build on opportunities beyond its traditional energy sector.
However, closer diplomatic relations do not necessarily guarantee that European businesses will invest in Brunei. Businesses will need to see clear benefits in operating here, including good infrastructure, a suitable business environment and access to skilled workers. Brunei therefore needs to consider what it can offer European partners and how it can make investing in the country worthwhile.
The EU’s growing interest in Southeast Asia could create opportunities for Brunei, but the latter will need to take steps to benefit from it. Closer relations are a good starting point, but what matters is whether Brunei can turn these ties into tangible investments, new industries, and jobs. By focusing on areas where it has potential to grow, Brunei can use its relationship with the EU to support its efforts to diversify the economy.
Ultimately, the EU’s growing engagement with the region offers Brunei an opportunity to strengthen its economic partnerships and support its diversification ambitions. The challenge is turning diplomatic goodwill into tangible outcomes. By targeting sectors that complement its existing strengths while developing new capabilities, Brunei can make closer relations with Europe a more practical part of its long-term economic strategy.
Syimah is a graduate of King’s College London with a BA in International Relations. With a strong focus on diplomacy, regional cooperation, and development policy, she is passionate about contributing to meaningful change through public service. Currently, she is involved in poverty alleviation work through a local NGO.
Indonesia 🇮🇩
Colours Speak
by Amallia Utami
October 28 marks Hari Sumpah Pemuda (Youth Pledge Day). This year, the date coincides with the second year of President Prabowo Subianto and Vice President Gibran Rakabuming’s administration, and a demonstration is scheduled to take place in Yogyakarta. Ahead of the event, the colours green, blue, and red have appeared as symbols associated with the demonstration.
Under normal circumstances, these colours represent the three football clubs in Yogyakarta: blue for PSIM, green for PSS Sleman, and red for Persiba Bantul. Although the clubs themselves have not issued official statements, the colours appearing together have been interpreted as a sign of unity among their supporters in expressing concerns shared by the wider public.
These colours have long represented rivalry between the clubs’ supporters. However, following the Kanjuruhan tragedy, which killed 135 people at Kanjuruhan Stadium in Malang, East Java, they have also become associated with solidarity. Colours have appeared in other protests in Indonesia, including “hero green” and “brave pink,” which gained attention in early September 2025 alongside calls for the government to meet 17 short-term and eight long-term demands.
“Brave pink” was inspired by a woman in a pink hijab who stood at the front of a protest on August 28, 2025, and became associated with courage and empathy. “Hero green” takes its name from the jacket worn by motorcycle taxi driver Affan Kurniawan, who was killed when a tactical vehicle operated by the Indonesian National Police’s Mobile Brigade Corps (Brimob) ran over him on August 28, 2025. Since then, this leaf-like green has become a symbol of solidarity and the struggles of precariats. Black has an even longer history in Aksi Kamisan, where it has been used since 2007 to express mourning for victims of serious human rights violations in Indonesia, including journalists, students, and activists.
People may take part in demonstrations for different reasons, including their connection with fellow supporters or their concern about public issues. These reasons can bring them together around a shared understanding of the problems they face and the values they want to defend. Participants do not need to express their concerns in exactly the same way, and a shared symbol, like colours, can help them find common ground even when their reasons for joining differ.
These examples show how colours can become a form of expression in activism (and digital activism) that is easy to recognize and share. Their meanings develop through events, experiences, and struggles that people remember together.
Amallia is a media and culture graduate from the University of Glasgow with experience in journalism and creative writing. Her interests lie in democracy, media and communication, particularly how contemporary media environments shape self-censorship, misinformation, and disinformation.
Editorial Deadline 24/10/2026 11:59 PM (UTC +8)
