Editor’s Note
by Siu Tzyy Wei, Lead Editor - Maritime Crescent Desk
Power is shifting across the region - in grids that falter, in technologies that accelerate, and in standards that redefine responsibility. This week, the Maritime Crescent traces those movements in different forms.
Brunei asks if ASEAN can grow together in the age of AI, while Indonesia faces the fragility of its coal-driven electricity and Malaysia reconsiders its approach to the refugee crisis.
This week’s story shows how power, whether technical, political or humanitarian, is being renegotiated, and how those shifts will shape who moves forward and who falls behind.
Brunei Darussalam 🇧🇳
Can ASEAN Grow Together in the Age of AI?
by Syimah Johari, in Bandar Seri Begawan
Artificial intelligence (AI) is reshaping how countries approach healthcare, climate and economic growth. But while technology is advancing rapidly, not all countries are moving at the same speed. In Southeast Asia, this raises an important question: how can ASEAN ensure that its member states grow together in the age of AI?
Recently, member states of ASEAN were in attendance at the 22nd ASEAN Ministerial Meeting on Science, Technology and Innovation (AMMSTI-22) held in Laos on June 26, 2026. Where they discussed how science and technology can help address some of the region’s most pressing challenges, from healthcare and climate change to food security and renewable energy. The meeting also saw the launch of new initiatives, including funding for AI-related research, a regional technology management platform and ASEAN’s first shared high-performance computing facility. Together, these developments signal a growing emphasis on regional cooperation as countries prepare for an increasingly digital future.
Beyond the announcements, the meeting highlighted a broader shift in ASEAN’s thinking. Rather than focusing solely on encouraging innovation within individual member states, discussions increasingly centred on how the region can build the institutions, standards and partnerships needed to support innovation collectively.
While the meeting introduced several new initiatives, it also highlighted a reality that ASEAN has long grappled with: member states are not all starting from the same point. Some countries have invested a lot more in AI research, digital infrastructure and innovation ecosystems, while others are still building the foundations needed to support these technologies. As AI becomes more integrated into healthcare, education and public services, these differences could become more pronounced. Without meaningful cooperation, technological progress may advance unevenly across the region, making it more difficult for ASEAN to achieve its vision of inclusive growth.
Rather than leaving each country to tackle these challenges on its own, ASEAN is beginning to invest in shared solutions. At this year’s meeting, member states supported initiatives such as funding for AI-related research through the ASEAN Science, Technology and Innovation Fund (ASTIF), the launch of a regional technology management platform, and ASEAN’s first shared high-performance computing facility. They also discussed the importance of developing regional standards for AI, particularly in healthcare, to ensure that innovation is accompanied by public trust and safety. While these initiatives may seem technical, they reflect a broader goal that is, creating a stronger foundation for countries to learn from one another and benefit from technological progress together.
The outcomes of AMMSTI-22 suggest that ASEAN’s approach to science and technology is becoming more practical and coordinated. As artificial intelligence continues to shape economies and societies, regional cooperation will become increasingly important. The challenge is no longer simply about adopting new technologies, but to ensure that all member states have the opportunity to benefit from them. After all, ASEAN’s strength has always rested on its ability to move forward together and the region’s future in AI may depend on whether it can continue to do so.
Syimah is a graduate of King’s College London with a BA in International Relations. With a strong focus on diplomacy, regional cooperation, and development policy, she is passionate about contributing to meaningful change through public service. Currently, she is involved in poverty alleviation work through a local NGO.
Indonesia 🇮🇩
Powerless
by Rayhan Prabu Kusumo, in Jakarta
Throughout June, parts of Java went dark. PLN, the state electricity company, could not meet demand and cut power in rotation to keep the grid from collapsing. The shortfall on the country’s most populous island reached around two gigawatts. As the largest coal exporter in the world, Indonesia’s power plants run on the same resource.
Power plants are built to burn coal of a certain energy content, measured by the heat a kilogram releases. For weeks they were fed weaker coal, which forced them to run below their rated output. Two large private plants went offline at the same time for technical faults, and the grid tipped into deficit. Energy minister Bahlil Lahadalia put PLN’s uncontracted supply gap for the year at twenty million tonnes. In February, private power producers said their coal stocks had fallen to about ten days of operation, below the base level of twenty-five.
The cause is a price the government set in 2018 and has not moved since. Mining companies must sell a share of their output at home, and the state caps what power plants pay at seventy dollars a tonne. The rule counts tonnes, not quality, so miners can meet the obligation by delivering cheap, low-grade coal and shipping the better grade abroad, where it earns far more.
Power plants pay the lowest regulated price in the country, causing coal suppliers to serve them last. Electricity tariffs are frozen for political comfort, so the cost settles on PLN and the budget instead of households.
The weak rupiah widens the gap, because coal is priced in dollars and every fall in the currency makes the export sale more attractive and PLN’s purchases steeper. To make matters worse, the government cut this year’s production quota, shrinking the buffer that once covered domestic shortfalls.
The quick fix is to pay for the coal the plants need, by raising the cap or tying it to a benchmark that moves with the market. That keeps the lights on, but it only shifts the cost from miners to PLN and the budget, where most of it already sits. Indonesia has been here before. In January 2022, the same shortage forced the government to halt coal exports for a month to supply its own plants. The pattern returns because the exposure is never removed.
A capped coal price is a hidden subsidy that does two things at once; it keeps the country tied to coal, and it makes renewable alternatives look costly next to a fuel held down by law. The ultimate exit is the transition the government has already promised on paper, where PLN’s plan reserves more than forty gigawatts for clean energy. Once built, these plants burn no fuel. Sunlight, wind, water, and geothermal heat are not priced in dollars and cannot be shipped to a better buyer abroad, so the cost that bites every time the currency falls is simply not there.
Rayhan has a background in government affairs and public policy, with experience across government institutions and advisory firms. His work focuses on the intersection of geopolitics, policy, and risk, with expertise in advocacy, regulatory analysis, and stakeholder engagement. He holds a degree in Government from Universitas Padjadjaran, and has completed an exchange at Universitat Pompeu Fabra in Spain, focusing on global politics and sustainability.
Malaysia 🇲🇾
Biometrics and Borders
by Edrina Lisa Ozaidi, in WP Kuala Lumpur
In a landmark move to enhance national security and administrative precision, the Malaysian government has officially rolled out the Dokumen Pendaftaran Pelarian (DPP) framework. This strategic initiative represents a vital evolution in how the nation manages displaced populations, moving away from legacy systems towards a government-led biometric database. As of February 2026, there are approximately 215,600 refugees and asylum seekers registered with the UNHCR in Malaysia. The vast majority of them, recorded at nearly 194,000 people, hail from Myanmar.
The shift towards the DPP is a direct response to this visibility gap. Following the mandate of the National Security Council (MKN) Directive No. 23, the Malaysian Home Ministry recognises the urgency for “data sovereignty”.
Faced with a decline in third-country resettlement opportunities and the increasing prevalence of fraudulent documentation, the government is determined that a centralised, state-managed database could provide the security and reliability required in today’s complex geopolitical environment.
The DPP system is said to utilise advanced biometrics, voice recordings, and facial recognition technology. The transition comes with a clear objective—transitioning the responsibility of identification to the government to ensure Malaysia have full visibility of who is in the country and where they are located. Through identity verification developed by MIMOS, Malaysia’s national applied research centre, the system aims to effectively combat documentary forgery.
Home Minister Saifuddin Nasution Ismail recently emphasised that this initiative ensures the government is no longer operating with incomplete information but instead, possesses the comprehensive and verifiable data necessary to improve enforcement and policy formulation in the near future. The system rollout is characterised by a rigorous, multi-stage assessment process overseen by the Refugee Status Assessment Committee. Through this structured approach, the government aims to move past the ambiguity of the past.
The main intention of the DPP system is not to grant citizenship; rather, it serves as a management tool to streamline humanitarian oversight while potentially addressing labour shortages in critical, labour-intensive sectors like plantations, agriculture, and construction—all under strict Malaysian employment regulations.
While the government remains clear that the DPP focuses on systematic management rather than permanent settlement, its implementation is a crucial step in maintaining Malaysia’s social and economic stability.
By securing our borders through proper data management, the state is better positioned to protect its citizens while upholding its administrative responsibilities.
As Malaysia continues to navigate the complexities of regional migration in 2026, the new framework will be a testament to the government’s resolve to prioritise national security and effective governance. This framework functions as more than just a registration update. It hopes to build a commitment to a safer, more orderly Malaysia while contributing to the refugee crisis.
Edrina is a communications professional with a background in international relations. She holds a degree from the University of Nottingham Malaysia and has worked across public relations and social media for organizations in the development, education, and corporate sectors. Her work focuses on crafting narratives around regional affairs and strengthening media engagement across Southeast Asia.
Editorial Deadline 27/05/2026 11:59 PM (UTC +8)
