Surviving Great Powers
Issue 16 — Key Developments Across the Philippines, Singapore, and Vietnam
Editor’s Note
by Karen Ysabelle R. David, Lead Editor - Pacific Corridor Desk
This week in the Pacific Corridor, we see Singapore and Vietnam look beyond their own borders and beyond ASEAN as geopolitical tensions and great power rivalries rise around the world. Nurul Aini reports on Singapore’s renewed diplomatic push, with recent back-to-back visits to China, India, and the United States. In so doing, the so-called “Little Red Dot” is exemplifying small state diplomacy as it fights to maintain positive relations with the world’s great powers.
Over in Vietnam, Tri Vo spotlights the country’s “bamboo diplomacy” as its Minister of Finance leads a delegation to Europe this September. In contrast with Singapore, Hanoi is moving beyond the United States and China to forge stronger partnerships with the middle powers of the European continent.
But in the Philippines, foreign policy concerns take a backseat as domestic turmoil dominates the national consciousness. In a country where corruption in flood control projects just recently drew nationwide protests and where natural disasters are an everyday occurrence, Arianne De Guzman explores the unique role played by religion and faith-based organizations in disaster response.
Taken together, this week’s issue offers a glimpse of a region buoyed by geopolitical currents. No matter each country’s internal state, the fact of the matter is that the countries of the Pacific Corridor will each have to reckon with the realities of a changing world order.
Singapore 🇸🇬
When the Little Red Dot Balances Great Powers
by Nurul Aini, in Singapore
After June’s diplomatic push, Singapore continues with another round of official visits around the globe with India, China, and the United States, bolstering bilateral relations in the economy and defense domains.
From 31 August to 4 September, Deputy Prime Minister Gan Kim Yong made a trip to China that reaffirms the two nations’ commitment in trade and investment, digital and financial connectivity, and people-to-people exchanges. In a Facebook post after the parade, DPM Gan propounded that one must not be “trapped by history” and must instead “look ahead,” evincing that historical claims and conflicts should not jeopardize any attempts at prioritizing peaceful and regional partnerships.
Meanwhile, from 2 to 4 September, Prime Minister Lawrence Wong visited India’s Prime Minister Narendra Modi—a diplomatic visit that yielded the adoption of the Roadmap for the Comprehensive Strategic Partnership (CSP) that will boost economic cooperation, skills development, digitalization, sustainability, connectivity, healthcare and medicine, cultural exchanges, and defense and security cooperation. Other discussions included ASEAN-India relations, with India demonstrating an interest in the Malacca Straits Patrol.
On 13 September, Defense Minister Chan Chun Sing visited the Mountain Home Air Force Base in Idaho, US where he interacted with servicemen from the Republic of Singapore Air Force (RSAF) on detachment. Apart from the strengthening of military capabilities, he stressed the longstanding US-Singapore bilateral defense relationship. During his speech at the Xiangshan Forum in Beijing on 18 September, Chan Chun Sing reiterated the responsibility of great powers to demonstrate the example of their leadership through a shared commitment towards harmony. He also emphasized that small states like Singapore can contribute to global stability by siding with “principles and not power.”
These overlapping visits demonstrate not only Singapore’s multilateralism but also reinforces the nation’s “small state diplomacy” that continuously defines its sovereignty by prioritizing its survival without aligning too closely with any parties. Marcus Loh, Chairman of Public Relations and Communications Association (PRCA) Asia Pacific suggests that “[w]hile the weight of power leans heavily against them, no Indo-Pacific nation would willingly accept unipolar dominance, least of all one that entrenches asymmetric dependence across the continent.” Within the context of the maritime dispute between China and the Philippines in the South China Sea, Singapore’s carefully balanced foreign policy arguably reflects a conscious effort to navigate tensions while respecting regional sensitivities.
In October 2025, the 47th ASEAN Summit will see the presence of US President Trump and China’s Premier Li Qiang, with Russia’s President Vladimir Putin also stating his interest in the Summit. This is a step towards collective regional engagement with great powers, an external partnership approach that will prove essential in demonstrating ASEAN Centrality.
In a more volatile world characterized by shifting political alliances and escalating violations of human rights, Singapore is met with both international and domestic pressure to ensure that it upholds its foreign policy principles anchored in a rules-based international order. At every turn of its foreign policy, a critical question constantly looms—for how long will it be able to withstand the pressure of a rapidly changing world order in the name of neutrality?
Aini is currently pursuing a master’s degree in English literature at Nanyang Technological University. She has experience working in youth groups, contributing to the planning and management of outreach activities.
Vietnam 🇻🇳
The Bamboo Bends West
by Tri Vo, in Ho Chi Minh City
A high-level Vietnamese delegation, led by the Minister of Finance, will make a week-long (from 14 to 21 September) pivotal tour of Europe with major investment promotion conferences in London and Milan as highlights. On a superficial level, these events were a straightforward par for the course exercise in deepening economic relationships with major global economies, something Hanoi has been doing for a long time. Yet, to look at these engagements through a purely economic lens is to miss the forest for the trees by overlooking the intricate geopolitical pirouette that Vietnam is conducting with great deftness as part of its “bamboo diplomacy.”
This strategy, which is strongly rooted in an independent mindset that eschews picking sides on the international stage to maximize Vietnam’s strategic maneuverability, is guiding Hanoi’s deliberate pivot toward key European middle powers. By deepening partnerships with the United Kingdom, Italy, and potentially many other European countries, Vietnam is executing a multi-pronged foreign policy that enhances its autonomy amidst the escalating United States-China rivalry that can force many countries to choose between the two largest economies of the world, while also subtly shaping the collective engagement of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) with the West.
Vietnam’s decision to engage with the UK—a country that has tilted decisively towards the Indo-Pacific region following Brexit, as manifested by its accession to the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership in 2024—and with Italy—a G7 and EU member state—reflects a deliberate strategy to diversify its international partnerships in Europe beyond the European Union. This strategy aims to reduce overreliance on any single superpower or bloc that could threaten its diplomatic room for maneuvering.
In addition to the diplomatic aspect, the economic dimension proves just as critical. This is something that has been built upon through the UK-Vietnam Free Trade Agreement and the EU-Vietnam Free Trade Agreement, which have brought bilateral trade to new heights. However, the focal point of the recent investment drive reveals a deeper ambition that goes far beyond mere trade. This is because Hanoi is proactively attracting British and Italian expertise in green finance, the digital economy, and high-tech manufacturing, sectors critical for moving Vietnam up the global manufacturing value chain. These partnerships are being leveraged as propellers for Vietnam’s profound economic ambitions to achieve high-income nation status by 2045.
The implications of this strategy extend far beyond Vietnam’s borders. By pioneering successful agreements with these European powers and potentially the entirety of Europe, Vietnam acts as a regional pacesetter while remaining committed to the centrality of ASEAN. This proactive engagement helps the bloc diversify its own nexus of strategic partners, strengthening its collective capacity to manage regional affairs without being compelled to choose sides in great power contests.
Tri has experience in management consulting and strategy, having worked with institutions such as the UNDP, The Asia Group, and ARC Group. He has provided strategic, legal, and operational insights to clients in sectors including manufacturing, energy, and technology. He holds both academic and professional experience related to Southeast and East Asia, with a focus on regional development and policy.
The Philippines 🇵🇭
How Religion Guides Disaster Response in the Philippines
by Arianne De Guzman, in Bulacan
Following the exposure of nearly 10,000 substandard—some nonexistent—flood control projects amounting to US$9.5 billion, members of the clergy and many religious groups participated in an anti-corruption rally in the Philippines last 21 September 2025. Flood control projects, which were supposed to be part of preventive measures against flooding, have been stalled by corruption, leaving the environment damaged and people’s lives disrupted.
During the rally, Cardinal Pablo David, the President of the Catholic Bishops’ Conference of the Philippines (CBCP), affirmed that the Catholic faithful’s support for the event was a moral stand of faith against corruption. Building on this moral stance, religious institutions significantly shape how communities understand disasters and mobilize, not just resources, but also a collective voice in times of crisis and misery.
Recently, CBCP positioned environmental stewardship as a Christian’s “moral and spiritual responsibility.” As Cardinal Pablo David said, “We cannot ignore the grave threats facing our world today—climate change, environmental destruction, and the reckless exploitation of resources. These burdens fall most heavily on the poor and vulnerable.” Echoing the Cardinal’s stand, various faith-based organizations (FBOs) have actively contributed to disaster response and recovery efforts.
In 2025, Catholic Relief Services (CRS) Philippines, through the support of the Taiwan International Cooperation and Development Fund (TaiwanICDF), launched the “Strengthening Communities’ Preparedness to Mitigate Health Risks during Emergencies” initiative to revamp 10 health emergency preparedness facilities in the city of Manila, with approximately 44,000 individuals across 146 barangays as beneficiaries.
During Typhoons Crising and Emong, as well as Tropical Storm Dante, Caritas Philippines, the advocacy arm of the CBCP, led donation drives with its international humanitarian partners and partner dioceses for 27,862 families in evacuation centers, with an additional 11,881 outside of them. Since 1966, they have been consistently at the forefront of various projects for ecology protection, emergency response, and good governance. Caritas has previously called out the Marcos administration’s inadequate funding for ecological conversion and advocated for community-led disaster risk reduction.
Faith-based narratives drive FBOs’ actions, are determinants of moral duties, and are the origin of collective support. Research shows that religion is a cultural lens through which individuals interpret disasters and evaluate recovery options. Thus, religious beliefs and teachings function as spiritual guidance that influence FBOs’ actions, enabling them to remain optimistic and purpose-driven. According to an analyst, this occurs when individuals perceive God as a symbol of strength and wisdom, helping them navigate natural disasters. Theologically, disasters are also interpreted as a test of faith, which also frames disaster preparedness and recovery as one’s religious duty to care for vulnerable community members.
Across the Southeast Asia region, the role of FBOs are recognized through the ASEAN Vision 2025 on Disaster Management. The emphasis is on their faith, which acts as a moral compass, prompting them to respond faster and understand localized contexts. This calls for better integration of faith-based perspectives into disaster response and recovery in the Philippines and across Southeast Asia.
Arianne has worked in legal research at the Philippines Department of Justice and in policy research at De La Salle University’s Jesse M. Robredo Institute of Governance, supporting projects on systemic reform. She holds a degree in Political Science from Colegio de San Juan de Letran and is pursuing a master’s in Sociology at the University of the Philippines Diliman. She is also involved in youth development and grassroots advocacy through the Rotaract Club of Santa Maria.
Editorial Deadline 23/09/2025 11:59 PM (UTC +8)
