The Maritime Crescent
Issue 10
Editor’s Note
by Haniva Sekar Deanty, Lead Editor - Maritime Crescent Desk
In this issue, we turn our attention to Southeast Asia’s evolving pathways of diplomacy, security, and development; shaped not only by global trends, but also by the region’s own choices in steering its future.
This week, The Maritime Crescent covers three distinct developments that speak to this balancing act. In the security realm, ASEAN’s accelerating embrace of nuclear energy raises profound questions about risk, resilience, and the lessons unlearned from history. As the host of the historic 1955 Bandung Conference, Indonesia is uniquely placed to lead a renewed regional dialogue, one that forges collective rules to protect civilian nuclear infrastructure and prevents new atomic-era risks from destabilising the region. Malaysia’s 13th Malaysia Plan sets record-breaking budgets and bold economic targets, but faces the challenge of translating ambition into delivery, and policy into tangible improvements for its people. Meanwhile, Brunei’s Legislative Council is taking steps to join the Inter-Parliamentary Union and Commonwealth Parliamentary Association, signalling a readiness to expand legislative diplomacy and strengthen its voice in regional and global governance.
Each of these developments offers a look into how ASEAN members navigate the tension between opportunity and vulnerability. How can small states expand influence without overextending? Can the region’s pursuit of prosperity be insulated from emerging security risks? And will ambitious plans on paper survive the test of execution in a volatile world?
At a time when the margin for miscalculation is narrowing, these stories remind us that strategy in Southeast Asia is as much about foresight and governance as it is about vision.
Indonesia 🇮🇩
A Warning From Hiroshima-Nagasaki’s Black Rain for ASEAN
by Hree Putri Samudra, in Jakarta
Eighty years ago, black rain poured on scorched bodies in Hiroshima and Nagasaki. It was no act of nature – it was a warning. A warning the region is actively choosing to ignore as it builds its future.
The hard truth is, a dangerous contradiction is playing out across the region. ASEAN leaders rightly praise their Nuclear Weapon-Free Zone (SEANWFZ). As Malaysian Foreign Minister Mohamad Hasan recently stressed, the treaty is a "cornerstone of ASEAN security architecture."
But what good is a cornerstone if you’re building a powder keg right next to it
While they push paper treaties, nations like Indonesia, the Philippines, and Malaysia are rushing headlong into nuclear energy. Jakarta alone envisions an ambitious 31 gigawatts of nuclear capacity by 2060.
The problem is not the ambition for energy independence, but pursuing it with a 20th-century security mindset in the "Third Nuclear Age." The idea that a “good” peaceful atom can be neatly separated from a “bad” weaponized one is a dangerous illusion in a region caught between superpowers.
The war in Ukraine offers a preview with the Zaporizhzhia nuclear plant repeatedly caught in the crossfire. While a deliberate, calculated strike remains a strategic choice, the greater danger lies in miscalculation in the fog of modern war: a stray missile over the South China Sea, or a cyberattack spiralling out of control. We’ve already seen how AI deepfakes impersonate high-level officials like the U.S. Secretary of State. A well-timed digital deception could spark a crisis ending in catastrophe.
This is where the memory of Hiroshima-Nagasaki is no longer just history, but also a warning for today. The suffering of the hibakusha came from a single, primitive device. The brutal question now is whether Southeast Asia risks creating its own tragic legacy; a new generation poisoned by radiation, not from a bomb, but from a war fought around the reactors they were told would bring prosperity.
Simply hoping to be left alone is not a strategy. Real security demands taking control and initiative. Forging a unified path is hard, given ASEAN's diverse outlooks, but the region has done it before. The past offers a better guide than wishful thinking. In 1955, as the world split into two camps, leaders from Asia and Africa met in Bandung. They saw the superpowers’ game and refused to play.
That spirit is needed now. As the Bandung host, Indonesia is well placed to lead again. It’s time for a global conversation that gets beyond diplomatic theatre. A serious effort to define a new security doctrine for this atomic age: perhaps collective security for critical civilian infrastructure, where an attack on one reactor is an attack on all; where rules forbid using digital weapons on such facilities; where Hiroshima’s plea for a "peaceful world" is absolute, placing human survival before strategic games.
The ghosts of Hiroshima-Nagasaki don't ask for our pity. They demand our foresight. It is time for ASEAN to stop being a passive "zone" and start being the architect of its own survival.
Hree serves as Project Associate for Asia and the Pacific at the Global Network of Women Peacebuilders (GNWP), where she leads multi-country initiatives integrating Women, Peace and Security (WPS), and Youth, Peace and Security (YPS) frameworks into security policies across ASEAN and South Asia. She is also a Non-Resident Fellow at the University of Glasgow’s Atomic Anxiety in the New Nuclear Age program. Previously, she served as Chair of the Humanitarian Disarmament and Inclusive Governance Working Group at the British American Security Information Council (BASIC), advocating for more accountable and inclusive nuclear policy frameworks.
Malaysia 🇲🇾
Can the 13th Malaysia Plan Deliver Its Promises?
by Edrina Lisa Ozaidi, in WP Kuala Lumpur
Malaysia’s Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim recently presented MADANI government’s grand strategy: the 13th Malaysia Plan (RMK13). The five-year roadmap for 2026-2030 laid an ambitious vision backed by a record RM430 billion budget, the highest ever allocated for the nation’s development. RMK13 comes with two aims: to reshape the nation’s economy and social fabric. However, as the ink dries on this monumental blueprint, the question remains whether or not this plan is truly deliverable for already frustrated Malaysians.
The RMK13 blueprint focuses on six main pillars addressing the most pressing concerns of the population: education, cost of living, health, risk management, farming and housing. Following the recent public demonstrations, this may be the government’s direct response to critical issues raised, and an attempt to restore public confidence through a long-term, comprehensive plan.
One of the main goals of the RMK13 blueprint is tackling income stagnation and economic disparities. The plan sets two key targets for 2030: raising the average monthly household income up to RM12,000 (US$2,837.55) and increasing employee compensation to 40% of GDP. The targets will be achieved through massive investments in high-impact projects and infrastructure, which may include the new LRT Mutiara in Penang Island, the continuation of the East Coast Rail Link, and the expansion of the Pan-Borneo Highway. The bulk of the spending is not limited to mega projects but also includes more than 2,800km of rural road upgrades and improvements to nationwide public transport, with new buses and trains.
However, the plan does come with its own set of challenges. While it pledges to consolidate the national fiscal position and reduce the budget deficit to 3% of GDP by 2030, analysts point out that the success of the plan demands a high annual wage growth of over 11%, more than double the previous plan’s pace. Achieving this growth requires a substantial effort from effective wage policies, productivity enhancement, and a stable global economic environment.
Another concern to be addressed is the execution of the plan. Past records have only reminded us again of ambitious plans' shortcomings, such as implementation gaps, cost overruns, and leakages. Despite RMK13 being tabulated with a more comprehensive project management mechanism and tighter controls, a recent report by Malay Mail highlights a potential flaw. With the projected operating cost of RM1.81 trillion, it risks crowding out productive spending. This will only put the new plan monitoring system under intense scrutiny.
In the current environment of economic uncertainty, the 13th Malaysia Plan could serve as a beacon of light and statement of hope designed to uplift the nation’s economy and its people. However, as with any other plan, the best measure of success will be its impact on daily life over the next five years, rather than the targets it sets.
Edrina is a communications professional with a background in international relations. She holds a degree from the University of Nottingham Malaysia and has worked across public relations and social media for organizations in the development, education, and corporate sectors. Her work focuses on crafting narratives around regional affairs and strengthening media engagement across Southeast Asia.
Brunei Darussalam 🇧🇳
Brunei’s Legislative Council Moves to Join IPU and CPA, Opening Opportunities for Regional and Global Collaboration
by Syimah Johari, in Bandar Seri Begawan
Brunei Darussalam’s Legislative Council (LegCo) meets annually to bring together ministries on key national issues. This year marked its 21st session. While many questions and topics were discussed, one highlight is the LegCo passing the motion to join the Inter-Parliamentary Union (IPU), as well as the Commonwealth Parliamentary Association (CPA) with unanimous support. This represents a significant collaboration and highlights the country’s intention to strengthen legislative diplomacy through fostering dialogue and exchanging ideas, along with contributing to knowledge and skills growth in the parliament. This exchange will benefit the Southeast Asian region as much as LegCo.
The second meeting of the 21st session was held in August, picking up where it left off on important national issues and long-term planning. But this time, something new happened: Brunei’s legislative council has taken its first steps toward global legislative collaboration. This will be a key breakthrough in strengthening the country’s parliamentary role, making it both responsive to its people and engaged with the wider global community.
For many years, the IPU and the CPA brought parliaments together from across the world, to exchange knowledge and ideas, as well as to strengthen governance. The difference between the two is that the IPU links countries in the United Nations, while the CPA is made up of members of the Commonwealth. Though Brunei is already a member of the Commonwealth, formalising LegCo’s participation in the CPA, and IPU, will deepen its connections—opening doors for collaboration and amplifying Brunei’s voice in regional and global issues.
By joining the IPU and the CPA, LegCo is paving the way for harnessing regional opportunities. These could offer Brunei new ways to collaborate with neighbours on shared regional challenges like economic integration, environmental sustainability, and regional security. It would also help in building closer ties with Southeast Asian CPA members, such as Malaysia and Singapore, through potential training programs and joint governance initiatives. With LegCo’s active participation, Brunei could strengthen its presence in the region and may even have the chance to host important events and workshops, further raising its profile within the international parliamentary community.
As LegCo progresses towards formal membership, Brunei stands to gain valuable opportunities for collaboration, capacity building and enhanced parliamentary diplomacy. This development not only supports the country’s legislative growth but also strengthens its role within Southeast Asia and the broader international community. Further developments are anticipated, offering potential possibilities for Brunei’s future role.
Syimah is a graduate of King’s College London with a BA in International Relations. With a strong focus on diplomacy, regional cooperation, and development policy, she is passionate about contributing to meaningful change through public service. Currently, she is involved in poverty alleviation work through a local NGO.
Editorial Deadline 10/08/2025 11:59 PM (UTC +8)
Correction
In Issue 10 of The Mekong Belt, we stated that the July 28 ceasefire agreement between Thailand and Cambodia was reached in Jakarta. The correct location was Putrajaya, with Malaysia serving as the mediator. We regret the error and appreciate your understanding.
