Editor’s Note
by Mattia Peroni, Lead Editor - Mekong Belt Desk
This week, our coverage of the Mekong Belt highlights a region caught between legacy and ambition, crisis and opportunity. In Laos, decades-old wartime legacies continue to claim lives and livelihoods, showing that the cost of conflict lingers long after the last battle. Across the border in Myanmar, unregulated rare-earth mining exposes the perils of governance vacuums, where environmental destruction spills across borders and accountability remains elusive. In Cambodia, border tensions with Thailand are driving a double-edged grassroots economic nationalism, as consumers pivot toward local products while the government strives to keep trade channels open to avoid potential repercussions on an already stagnant economy. On the other side of the border, in Thailand, Bangkok’s bold bid for soft power turns to the booming gaming economy in an ambitious push to translate cultural influence into economic and regional leadership.
Lao PDR 🇱🇦
Decades After War, Laos’s Unexploded Ordnance Crisis Shows No End in Sight
by Thongsavanh Souvannasane, in Vientiane
More than five decades after the end of the Second Indochina War (Vietnam War), Laos remains trapped in one of the deadliest legacies of modern conflict. The most bombed country in the world per capita, Laos endured relentless aerial attacks from 1964 to 1973 when the United States dropped over two million tons of ordnance, equivalent to one planeload of bombs every eight minutes, 24 hours a day, for nine years.
This included more than 270 million cluster submunitions that locals call “bombies.” Approximately 80 million failed to detonate, contaminating nearly one-third of the country with unexploded ordnance (UXO).
The human cost is devastating.
Since the war, around 20,000 people have been killed or maimed by UXO, with children comprising nearly 40% of victims. Every year brings roughly 300 new casualties.
As of August 2025, eight UXO accidents have injured 13 people and caused five deaths, including six children, with the most recent fatality occurring on 13 August. Contamination affects 15 of Laos’s 18 provinces, with nine heavily impacted areas concentrated along the former Ho Chi Minh Trail.
Despite significant progress, the challenge remains immense.
In the first half of 2025, clearance teams surveyed 9,413 hectares, cleared 2,717 hectares, and destroyed 35,000 explosive items. Overall, since 1996, operations have cleared over 97,000 hectares and eliminated more than two million UXO items. Six major organizations— Lao National Unexploded Ordnance Programme (UXO LAO), Humanitarian UXO Demining of Army, Norwegian Peoples Aid (NPA), The HALO Trust, Humanity & Inclusion, and Mines Advisory Group (MAG)—form the backbone of these efforts.
Yet, after 29 years of operations, fewer than 5% of the country’s UXO contamination has been cleared. That is why, in 2016, Laos went further than any other country by adopting a unique national goal, Sustainable Development Goal 18: “Lives Safe from UXO.” It remains the only nation in the world with an official 18th SDG, underscoring both the scale of the crisis and its determination to overcome it.
Now, progress faces unprecedented threats.
On 20 January 2025, U.S. President Donald Trump froze foreign aid, suspending U.S. funding for UXO clearance and reportedly ending other recovery programs tied to Agent Orange. Humanitarian organizations warn the cuts could slow clearance, reduce victim support, and leave rural communities more vulnerable than ever.
As Laos continues battling its deadly legacy, the world is reminded that the costs of war extend far beyond the battlefield. With millions of unexploded bombs still buried beneath fields, rivers, and villages, international cooperation is critical to prevent further tragedy and ensure that this silent war finally ends.
Thongsavanh is a journalist from Laos with a background in English-language media. He graduated from the Lao-American Institute with a Diploma of the Arts in English and contributes to independent news platforms. His reporting focuses on environmental issues, socio-economic development, and geopolitics.
Myanmar 🇲🇲
Accountability in Question as Rare-Earth Mining in Myanmar Escalates
by Pann Ei Thwel, in Mandalay
Rare earth minerals in Myanmar’s borderlands have recently become a hot topic of discussion, not only for their strategic value, but also for their devastating environmental costs. Long before they became framed as potential targets for U.S. extraction, parts of northern Myanmar had been supplying rare earths to China. But since the military coup in 2021, mining has accelerated dramatically, slipping further out of regulation and oversight.
Satellite images reveal that in addition to dozens of mining sites in Kachin State, two more sites were constructed in the last two to three years in the autonomous territory of the United Wa State Army. What began as a slow-burning industry has exploded, and the costs are now spilling beyond the miners themselves, impacting the lives of those who depend on the tributaries of the Mekong River for their livelihood.
This year, the damage became impossible to ignore. In May, villagers in Chiang Rai province noticed the Kok River turning an orange-yellow hue. Tests later confirmed high concentrations of arsenic, resulting from toxic chemicals released from the mining activities in northern Myanmar, which, according to experts, accounts for roughly 60–70% of the contamination. For locals, the consequences are immediate and severe, with declining fish stocks, failing rice harvests, and rising cases of illness and livestock deaths all linked to the polluted water.
So, who is to blame? In theory, responsibility lies with the authorities in the mining regions. However, as Myanmar approaches its 5th year of civil war, it is not a simple task to point out who is legitimately in charge and hold them accountable for the consequences. On top of that, China has also contributed to the problem, as it has shifted much of the extraction burden to Myanmar and Thailand after imposing stricter regulations on its own rare-earth industry—outsourcing both the profits and the pollution.
In the absence of clear authority, the question of accountability remains vague while the mines continue to damage the environment and threaten livelihood. Caught in this vacuum of governance, communities are left without recourse while mining continues unchecked. Since the question is no longer whether rare-earth extraction should proceed, but rather under what authority and with what safeguards, more efforts are needed to enforce environmental regulations as well as to establish legitimacy in the region. Without stronger environmental regulations, cross-border accountability, and some semblance of legitimate governance, the mines will keep carving toxic scars into Myanmar’s landscape—and the Mekong Basin beyond.
Pann Ei is an undergraduate student at Parami University, majoring in Philosophy, Politics, and Economics. Following an internship with the CSIS Southeast Asia Program, she developed a strong interest in policy research, with a particular focus on politics and education. She currently works as a research assistant at the Center for Research, Policy and Innovation (CRPI), where she focuses on political institutions and regime types across Southeast Asia.
Cambodia 🇰🇭
Border Tension with Thailand Sparks Cambodian Boycott of Thai Goods
by Malai Yatt, in Phnom Penh
Following recent border clashes with Thailand, a wave of nationalism is changing how Cambodians shop. A growing movement to boycott Thai goods, especially beauty products, is spreading rapidly on social media, leading consumers to choose locally-made Khmer products as a show of support for their nation. In this regard, what would be the next step for local economic boosts?
Following the July 16 border shutdown, Cambodia halted imports of numerous Thai goods. The ban enacted by Cambodia targets fresh produce like fruits and vegetables, as well as a wide range of fuels, including gasoline and jet fuel, according to Cambodia's General Department of Customs and Excise (GDCE) Facebook post.
In this regard, Cambodia's imports from Thailand saw a significant 44% decline in July 2025, dropping to $166 million from $297.4 million the previous year. As recorded by GDCE, this was accompanied by a 31.3% decrease in Cambodian exports to Thailand.
Speaking with local media, Seun Sam, a policy analyst at the Royal Academy of Cambodia, noted that social media has become a vital tool for people to stay informed during the recent conflict. He observed that a powerful boycott of Thai businesses, particularly PTT gas stations, emerged after Thai soldiers detained Cambodian soldiers despite an existing ceasefire.
Sam further explained that many Cambodians now view supporting Thai businesses as funding a foreign military that could harm their own people. He praised the decision to rebrand the PTT stations as PCC, believing it will be seen as a positive step by most Cambodians, as it makes the company appear to be a fully Cambodian entity.
Speaking to The ASEAN Frontier recently, Penn Sovicheat, the spokesperson for the Ministry of Commerce of Cambodia confirmed Cambodia never encouraged its citizens to discriminate against Thai products, noting that neighboring countries like Thailand and Vietnam are vital markets for Cambodia’s import-export development.
He also stated that although the border crossings between the two countries are restricted and Cambodia banned some Thai goods, Thai traders still have other ways to export products to Cambodia including via airways or through other countries, such as Laos.
“At the same time, even though Cambodian people are boycotting Thai goods, trade between the two countries remains normal. Ultimately, consumers are free to exercise their rights and buy products from Thailand or from other suppliers if they choose.”
However, on August 16, four trucks from Thailand, which entered Cambodia through Laos, were stopped at a border crossing (Kampong Sralao). The trucks were suspected of carrying illegal goods and have been sent for a physical inspection.
Therefore, while Cambodia’s economic development continues to face pressure from ongoing border tensions with Thailand, a domestic boycott campaign against Thai goods and businesses has gained traction, with many individuals promoting and supporting local products. This has led to a significant drop in Thai imports and highlights a push towards economic self-reliance and market diversification, all while the Cambodian government keeps maintaining strong economic ties with Thailand.
Malai is a reporter at Kiripost, where she has worked for over two years, driven by a strong commitment to amplifying the voices of underserved communities. Her reporting focuses on economic and foreign affairs.
Thailand 🇹🇭
Press Start for Soft Power: Thailand’s Bid to Rule the ASEAN Gaming Scene
by Paranut Juntree, in Bangkok
Thailand is pressing “start” on one of its boldest ambitions yet—to lead ASEAN’s gaming economy. Much like a player entering a new level, the country is preparing to venture into a new economic arena with the announcement of the first-ever joint edition of Gamescom Asia and the Thailand Game Show, bringing global game publishers, indie developers, e-sports stars, and hardware innovators together.
Beyond the spectacle, the event is part of Thailand’s soft power play. Bangkok’s US$ 1.5 billion gaming industry, already one of the fastest-growing in Southeast Asia, is positioned as a vehicle to project cultural influence, attract investment, and establish the country as the region’s next potential leader in the booming digital entertainment arena.
Southeast Asia’s gaming market was worth US$ 5.89 billion in 2024 and is set to reach US$ 6.39 billion in 2025. Within that, Thailand’s gaming industry has surged into the region’s top four, powered by a young, tech-savvy population, rising e-sports engagement, and high mobile penetration, granting it the highest revenue in mobile gaming in the region. About 41 million Thais, nearly half the population, play video games, from casual mobile games to competitive PC or console titles. With this level of engagement, the market is forecast to grow at a compound annual rate of 8.28% from 2025 to 2033, cementing Thailand’s position as a serious contender in the regional market.
Government policy is keeping pace. In 2021, Thailand officially recognized e-sports as a professional sport, signaling intent to elevate gaming as both an industry and a cultural force. This aligns with the still under-review Gaming Industry Act that aims to regulate and promote the Thai gaming industry, stimulate growth, and strengthen Thailand’s soft power on the global stage. Meanwhile, Thai developers have already made their mark internationally with globally recognized titles like Home Sweet Home and Timelie—proof that the country can export unique narratives and art styles to a global audience. By doing so, the country can build cultural recognition in gaming that supports its broader strategy to position itself as ASEAN’s creative and digital hub.
Still, Thailand’s path to becoming a regional gaming and digital entertainment hub is not without obstacles. While the country enjoys a large gamer base and high growth rate, much of this growth is still driven by the distribution and import of games from foreign companies, resulting in revenue leakage to foreign developers. Thailand still lacks high-level talent in game design, programming, and production compared to established hubs like Singapore, home to regional gaming giants such as Garena, or emerging developer powerhouses like Vietnam. Despite initiatives like the DEPA Game Accelerator Program by the Ministry of Digital and Economic Society and Digital Economy Promotion Agency, government budgets and investments remain limited, making it difficult for Thai studios to compete with international gaming giants.
In this context, the upcoming Gamescom Asia and Thailand Game Show is more than a pop culture moment for Thailand. It is a bid for lasting influence on the regional stage. However, turning that ambition into reality will require more than that: it will require sustained investment, supportive policy, and homegrown talent. Done right, Thailand could transform one of its fastest-growing markets into a genuine platform for regional leadership in gaming and digital soft power.
Paranut has a background in advocacy, with experience in policy research, communications, and civic engagement across both the NGO and government sectors. As Thailand’s Youth Delegate to the United Nations, he represented Thai youth in global dialogues on migration, education, and human rights, championing inclusive policymaking. He holds a degree in political science with a specialization in international relations.
Editorial Deadline 15/08/2025 11:59 PM (UTC +8)
