Editor’s Note
by Nabil Haskanbancha, in Bangkok
From unexpected diplomatic frictions to new collaborations, The Frontier Brief tracks the recalibrations unfolding across countries in the Mekong Belt. Cambodia is expanding its biosecurity efforts after discussions with Russia, focusing on best practices in combating global pandemics and infectious diseases. Laos is seeking solutions to its energy crisis, driven by climate pressures and limited domestic supply, while positioning itself to become the “Battery of Southeast Asia.” A new U.S. travel ban has cast uncertainty over the lives of many in Myanmar, leaving students in limbo and families separated. In Thailand, a prolonged border dispute with Cambodia is testing the government’s diplomatic strategy and adding pressure to respond swiftly while prioritizing national interests.
Cambodia 🇰🇭
Russia Deepens Biosecurity Ties With Cambodia After Myanmar Talks
by Chandara Samban, in Kandal
Russia is expanding its biosecurity cooperation efforts in Southeast Asia, turning its focus to Cambodia following recent discussions with Myanmar’s military government. The move reflects Moscow’s broader ambition to build partnerships with ASEAN nations in biosecurity, after ASEAN’s adoption of a regional roadmap in late 2024. However, experts caution that significant capacity gaps remain, requiring deeper international collaboration.
On June 4, 2025, a Russian delegation visited Phnom Penh for talks with Cambodian officials on biosecurity cooperation. According to the Russian Foreign Ministry, both sides exchanged assessments of regional biosecurity risks and discussed avenues for bilateral cooperation, reaffirming their commitment to the Biological and Toxin Weapons Convention (BTWC) and the United Nations framework.
The meeting preceded Cambodia’s participation in the 5th International Conference on Challenges and Solutions in the Global Biosecurity Sector, held in Sochi, Russia. The Cambodian Ministry of Environment led by Under Secretary of State Kop Roly, joined representatives from over 40 countries to discuss global biosecurity challenges, rapid response mechanisms, and outbreak management.
Russia’s engagement with Cambodia follows similar talks with Myanmar’s military junta in Moscow this past May, where both sides outlined long-term cooperation for biological hazard management. Myanmar expressed confidence in Russia’s capacity to support its public health systems and security.
ASEAN’s attention to biosecurity has increased in the wake of recent pandemics such as COVID-19, SARS, and H1N1, which exposed weaknesses in regional preparedness. In October 2024, ASEAN leaders adopted the Declaration on Strengthening Regional Biosafety and Biosecurity under Lao PDR’s chairmanship. The framework commits member states to strengthening national cooperation, developing a regional biosecurity network, enhancing legal frameworks, investing in human resources, and modernizing laboratory infrastructure.
Russia has positioned itself as a key partner in ASEAN’s biosecurity agenda during the ASEAN-Russia High-Level Dialogue on Security in May 2025. Alexander Ivanov, Russia’s Ambassador to ASEAN, emphasized Russia’s commitment to assist ASEAN in infectious disease prevention, containment, and control, noting that Russia has provided training to ASEAN experts even before the COVID-19 outbreak.
The ASEAN-Russia partnership on biosecurity dates back to 2018, when both sides launched the ASEAN-Russia Dialogue Partnership Capacity Building for Pandemic Prevention program. The initiative supports joint action on infectious disease prevention, information-sharing, technical assistance, training, financial support, and countering public health disinformation.
Despite these promising frameworks, experts warn that ASEAN’s biosecurity capacity remains uneven. Many member states still lack strong biosafety cultures and robust laboratory standards. An expert from the S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies (RSIS) mentioned that, "Low biosecurity awareness and the lack of a security culture create security challenges and vulnerabilities in life science and health research laboratories."
Experts stress that ASEAN must raise public awareness, enforce personnel reliability standards, build strong biosafety cultures, and modernize technology to address growing global health security risks. As Russia extends its biosecurity footprint, Cambodia’s deepening cooperation reflects both opportunity and urgency amid these evolving challenges.
Chandara is a freelance journalist with a focus on foreign affairs, security issues, and ASEAN affairs. He also serves as a Junior Counterterrorism Intelligence Analyst.
Lao PDR 🇱🇦
Laos, the “Battery of Southeast Asia,” Confronts Domestic Energy Instability
by Chammie Lo, in Vientiane
Laos has earned the nickname “Battery of Southeast Asia,” thanks to its hydropower exports, which supply low-emission electricity to neighbors like Thailand, Vietnam, and China. Around 80 percent of the country’s electricity is generated by independent producers and sold abroad, with exports accounting for nearly a third of the country’s total export earnings.
While Laos helps power the region, locals experience a different reality: rising electricity bills and rolling blackouts. With around 80 percent of domestic electricity production relying on hydropower, inconsistent rainfall has strained the supply. Since 2021, the state utility Electricité du Laos (EDL) has become a net importer, purchasing up to 600 MW during peak shortages, driving up operating costs.
Those costs are compounded by a few structural issues. Many of Laos’s energy contracts are pegged to the U.S. dollar, while the local currency, the kip, continues to weaken. At the same time, Electricité du Laos has long sold electricity below cost, operating at a loss for years. The surge in demand from digital mining operations, which reportedly consumed over a third of the domestic supply last year, further adds pressure on the grid.
On June 9, the government announced four strategies to stabilize the country’s power sector: completing the Nam Ngum 3 dam, expanding large-scale solar projects, promoting small-scale solar in underserved areas, and accelerating progress on existing projects.
There is also momentum building around renewables. Laos aims to hit 30 percent renewable energy consumption by 2025 and is trying to bring in new investment in solar and wind energy. A 600 MW onshore wind farm in the south is expected to begin operation by the end of this year, making it one of the biggest in Southeast Asia. A 50 MW solar plant in Khammouane province, developed by China Gezhouba Group, has just started feeding electricity into the national grid.
To encourage more localized power generation, EDL has been testing a higher feed-in tariff (ie, $0.08 per kWh) for small-scale solar producers. But the lack of a formal legal framework still holds back broader participation.
Meanwhile, Laos’s $2 billion grid modernization deal with China Southern Power Grid has improved transmission and enabled two-way electricity trading with China. While it helped in the short term, some critics warned of long-term dependency if Laos does not secure clear terms for regaining control, transferring know-how, and managing the debt.
Recent debates in the National Assembly over rising electricity tariffs reflect growing public concern. For Laos, the road to energy security is not just about generating more power and lowering electricity tariffs. It is about diversifying sources, reforming governance, and ensuring its people benefit from the country’s energy wealth.
Chammie is a development professional working on sustainable finance and inclusive livelihoods in Laos. She holds a degree in Politics and Law from the University of Hong Kong and has contributed research insights to academic and community spaces on heat governance, climate migration, and emission transparency.
Myanmar 🇲🇲
Dreams on Hold: Myanmar Youth Faces the Impact of U.S. Travel Bans
by May
A new challenge arose for the youth in Myanmar in early June as President Trump signed a U.S. travel ban targeting its citizens. Among the countries listed in the ban, Myanmar ranked among the top three in terms of visas issued, for both permanent immigrant and temporary nonimmigrant, in the previous year. Most of those who emigrate to the U.S. do so as refugees. However, the new ban dimmed the hopes of young people striving to start a new life abroad due to the ongoing political instability caused by Myanmar’s protracted civil war.
According to migration data sourced from the UN Department of Economic and Social Affairs (UN DESA), there are a total of 4.3 million international emigrants from Myanmar, citing reasons such as security concerns, economic and educational opportunities, and the pursuit of a better quality of life. UNDP Migration Report states that nearly 25% of Myanmar's population is living abroad, as that has become the primary strategy for avoiding conflicts, especially among the youth. Ethnic minorities in Myanmar often face systemic barriers and are more vulnerable to civil disputes, which makes young people more motivated to pursue education and work opportunities abroad.
One young person stated that a US college degree was the key to freedom, and believes that the American dream is expanding in Myanmar. However, the shift in immigration policy disrupted those dreams. Young high school students fear that they may lose their scholarships and financial aid to attend universities in the United States due to the possibility of being denied student visas.
On the other hand, Myanmar people already residing in the U.S. are hesitant to leave the country, despite the White House releasing a statement stating that the travel ban will not affect current visa holders. Students in particular fear that they might not be able to re-enter and be forced to return to Myanmar to face the risks of conscription. Although many yearn to return home after many years of living abroad, the limited communication due to damaged infrastructure, especially after the earthquake in March 2025, makes it difficult to connect with loved ones. The uncertainty of immigration laws also kept them trapped. Although it is unclear what the future holds for Myanmar nationals living abroad, one thing is for sure: the travel restrictions will keep families apart for now.
May has previously worked in the editorial department at a media group in Myanmar, covering tourism, start-ups, and curated content. She also has experience in film and photography, and engages with people-centered stories through her travels and creative work.
Thailand 🇹🇭
Cambodia-Thailand Border Dispute: How Thailand’s Response Reflects Its Approach to Diplomacy
by Natamon Aumphin, in Bangkok
The recent territorial dispute along the Cambodia-Thailand border has sparked public outrage in both nations, leading to heightened security measures around the border area. Following the clash on May 28, 2025, near the Golden Triangle in Ubon Ratchathani province, the incident, which led to the death of a Cambodian soldier, has intensified tensions in the already contested region. This prompted Cambodia to file a petition with the International Court of Justice (ICJ) to settle the dispute over five contested border areas.
Nevertheless, the passivity of Thailand’s response raised public concerns, sparking a myriad of questions about its approach to resolving the disputes and growing public dissatisfaction with the government. Although the incident prompted both nations' authorities to adjust border opening hours, troop deployment, and visa-free policies, further negotiations have yet to materialize amid public anxiety. The ongoing uncertainty risks fueling nationalist sentiment and public violence, which may be used to advance political agendas and further undermine government credibility.
According to the Prime Minister’s statement, she expressed hope that both nations would reach a peaceful agreement through negotiations and existing bilateral mechanisms, such as the Joint Boundary Commission (JBC) that was hosted in Phnom Penh on June 14, 2025. The Prime Minister’s statement was published a week after the clash, drawing criticism as a result of the government’s delayed response to a crucial national security issue. Additionally, the public criticized PM Paetongtarn Shinawatra for a lack of leadership, citing her refusal to meaningfully engage with questions from journalists, her frequent references to familial ties with Samdech Hun Sen, and what many viewed as an overreliance on the military.
Likewise, Maris Sangiampongsa, Thai Minister of Foreign Affairs, had not taken decisive action in responding to the border tensions until early June, reflecting the ministry’s passive approach on this issue. As tension soars due to Cambodia’s pledge to boycott thai internet and cinematic content, there has yet to be any action or statement released to defend Thailand’s stance as of June 13, 2025, despite recently advocating for a more proactive diplomatic strategy. In fact, during the 2025 Meeting of the Thai Ambassadors and Consuls-General, Mr. Maris mentioned that sometimes deviating from established rules is necessary, which concerned many about Thailand’s prospective action on the issue.
This border dispute reflects Thailand’s practice of bamboo diplomacy, where small nations bend with the wind, aiming to survive by being pragmatic and prioritizing national interest. The principle has long guided Thai diplomacy to this day. Nonetheless, it also renders Thailand passive, as it often has to “delay and assess” the situation before responding. Yet the Thai-Cambodian border dispute, tied closely to questions of national sovereignty, cannot afford to wait. With this approach, the country only risks appearing vulnerable in defending its position compared to its counterpart. With criticism and public pressure building and diplomacy lagging, is Thailand’s “bamboo diplomacy” still fit for moments like these?
Natamon has served as a rapporteur at the Institute of Security and International Studies (ISIS Thailand). She has also worked as a research assistant on diplomatic issues in Southeast Asia. Her work focuses on how domestic politics shape foreign policy in the region. She holds a degree in international relations and has experience in policy analysis, event reporting, and regional research.
Editorial Deadline 13/06/2025 11:59 PM (UTC +8)
