The Mekong's Human Trafficking Crisis
Issue 19 — Key Developments Across Cambodia, Laos, Myanmar, and Thailand
Editor’s Note
by Mattia Peroni, Lead Editor - Mekong Belt Desk
This week’s articles trace the many faces of exploitation and crisis across the Mekong. First and foremost, the U.S. Department of State’s yearly Trafficking in Persons Report has put pen to paper what human rights organizations have long been denouncing: the Southeast Asian nations are losing their grip on human trafficking. This translates in Laos and Cambodia being relegated to the Department’s blacklisted “Tier 3,” as governments are accused of complicity, weak law enforcement, and turning a blind eye to scam syndicates and forced labor networks. Meanwhile, in Thailand, recent floods reveal another kind of vulnerability: an economy where climate shocks and stagnation erode livelihoods, leaving more people exposed to both exploitation and climate disasters. After this look into the region’s most pressing challenges, we wrap up the issue on a positive note: in Myanmar, the celebration of MMA champion Aung La Nsang’s final fight offered a rare moment of pride and unity for a generation otherwise stranded by war and vanishing opportunities.
Lao PDR 🇱🇦
After Years of Progress, Laos Is Back to Tier 3 in 2025 Human Trafficking Report
by Thongsavanh Souvannasane, in Vientiane
Laos has once again been placed in Tier 3, the lowest ranking available, of the U.S. Department of State’s 2025 Trafficking in Persons (TIP) Report, signaling that the government does not fully meet the minimum standards for combating human trafficking and is not making significant efforts to do so.
For context, the TIP Report ranks countries into four tiers: Tier 1 indicates full compliance with anti-trafficking standards, Tier 2 means partial compliance with significant efforts, the Tier 2 Watch List flags countries at risk of downgrade, and Tier 3 reflects failure to meet minimum standards with little effort.
Sadly, the downgrade comes after years of incremental progress: Laos remained on the Tier 2 Watch List in 2015-2017, before being promoted to Tier 2 in 2020, where it remained until 2024. However, persistent enforcement gaps and rising trafficking cases led to the 2025 Tier 3 classification.
According to the report, Laos serves as a source, transit, and to a lesser extent destination for human trafficking. Women, men, and children are exploited in sectors such as domestic work, agriculture, construction, and sex trafficking. Around 17,000 people are estimated to engage in sex work, many under coercive or deceptive conditions. In 2024 alone, authorities reported 46 new cases involving 85 victims, including underage girls lured online into cyber-scam operations based in the Golden Triangle Special Economic Zone (SEZs) in northern Bokeo Province.
Laos has taken steps to address the issue.
A national anti-trafficking committee coordinates with neighboring countries such as Vietnam, China, Thailand, and Cambodia, and international NGOs support awareness campaigns, legal reforms, and victim assistance programs. Victim protection centers provide counseling and basic support.
Yet, enforcement remains inconsistent.
Officials are rarely investigated for complicity, prosecutions are rare, and limited resources hinder victim identification, especially among men, migrants, and rural populations. These systemic weaknesses prevent Laos from fully implementing its anti-trafficking commitments.
Laos’ Tier 3 designation places it alongside Myanmar and Cambodia, which also face endemic trafficking tied to corruption and online scam networks.
Expectedly, Myanmar remains Tier 3 because of political instability and forced labor, including exploitation of Rohingya communities. Cambodia, which has now been ranked in Tier 3 for the fourth consecutive year, has been newly labelled a “state sponsor,” as corruption and interference in law enforcement prevent effective action against the country’s struggles with forced labor and online scam networks.
While Laos has shown stronger institutional frameworks and regional cooperation compared with its neighbors, the scale of trafficking and weak provincial enforcement has resulted in similar consequences.
Behind the statistics are lives disrupted by coercion, exploitation, and lost opportunities. Experts and international organizations such as UNODC and IOM urge Laos to improve victim identification, strengthen frontline training, and ensure accountability for traffickers.
The downgrade to Tier 3 serves as both a warning and an opportunity.
By learning from regional counterparts, investing in local enforcement, and implementing transparent victim support systems, Laos can begin to climb out of Tier 3. Until then, the country remains in the shadows of reform, with vulnerable populations at risk and international scrutiny intensifying.
Thongsavanh is a journalist from Laos with a background in English-language media. He graduated from the Lao-American Institute with a Diploma of the Arts in English and contributes to independent news platforms. His reporting focuses on environmental issues, socio-economic development, and geopolitics.
Cambodia 🇰🇭
New Anti-Scam Commission Faces Test as Cambodia Remains on US Human Trafficking Blacklist
by Malai Yatt, in Phnom Penh
In recent years, Cambodia has launched a large-scale crackdown on online scams and human trafficking that has led to the deportation of thousands of foreign nationals involved in these criminal activities. Still, human rights organizations say the government’s efforts are not enough, as reports of online fraud keep resurfacing.
Two years into the new Cambodian government’s administration, the country has now deported over 15,000 foreign nationals implicated in cybercrime networks, according to Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Interior Sar Sokha.
Speaking at a recent workshop centered on fighting online scams and money laundering held on October 8, Minister Sokha framed this large-scale expulsion as evidence of the Royal Government’s commitment to dismantling international cybercrime networks operating inside the country. The Minister also provided historical context for the current crackdown, pointing out that the crackdown builds on similar efforts by the previous administration under former Prime Minister Hun Sen, which expelled more than 21,000 foreigners in a single term.
Yet despite these sweeping actions, new cases continue to surface. On October 11, police arrested 80 foreign nationals—mostly Chinese (57)—during a raid on an online fraud center located on the 34th floor of the Morgan Building in Koh Pich, Phnom Penh.
Meanwhile, Cambodia has been ranked on the U.S. Department of State’s Tier 3 blacklist for the fourth consecutive year, meaning that the country’s efforts to fight human trafficking are not considered strict enough. Notably, the 2025 Trafficking in Persons (TIP) Report points to widespread complicity among officials, who reportedly shield scam operators, halt police raids, and allow compounds to reopen after paying large bribes.
In this regard, Amnesty International’s Secretary General Agnes Callamard said that job seekers are tricked, trafficked, and enslaved in scam centers that run with the quiet consent of the Cambodian government. These victims, lured by fake job offers, are forced into a “hellish labor camp” to scam others under the threat of violence.
It should be noted that Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Manet recently instructed law enforcement to intensify the crackdown on online scams. He clarified that the newly established Commission for Combating Online Scams is intended to enhance coordination among existing authorities, serving as a complementary body rather than a replacement for current enforcement mechanisms. However, rights groups remain skeptical that structural change will follow without tackling corruption and political interference at the root of the problem.
Despite mass deportations and the formation of new bodies, Cambodia’s Tier 3 status underscores that enforcement remains reactive, not systemic. Until accountability reaches those enabling the scam economy, the country’s efforts will continue to chase symptoms rather than address the cause—and victims will keep paying the price.
Malai is a reporter at Kiripost, where she has worked for over two years, driven by a strong commitment to amplifying the voices of underserved communities. Her reporting focuses on economic and foreign affairs.
Thailand 🇹🇭
Thailand’s Growth Melts under Climate and Deflation Pressures
by Paranut Juntree, in Bangkok
In Thailand, swollen rivers have swallowed roads and villages. In Ayutthaya, the hardest-hit province, rescue teams rowed through flooded streets to reach stranded residents as their homes were half-submerged in brown water, and many of them are soon expected to face food shortages. Across central, north, and northeastern Thailand, flash floods tore through communities, cutting off electricity and wiping out entire harvests. By week’s end, 22 people were dead and relief efforts were underway in 19 provinces.
But this might no longer be an isolated disaster, and should thus be considered a warning. A new World Bank Country Climate and Development Report (CCDR) warns that by 2050, climate change could result in up to 14% loss in GDP. Even under moderate scenarios, losses of around 7% are expected, exposing how vulnerable the Thai economy already is. Without stronger climate action, rising heat, water stress, and extreme weather could stall Thailand’s path toward high-income status.
This wake-up call comes as Thailand’s economy is already losing momentum. Inflation has remained negative for six consecutive months, with prices in September falling 0.72% year-on-year, due to sliding energy costs and weak consumer demand.
According to the World Bank, Thailand will need USD 219 billion in climate investment over the next 25 years. The Bank of Thailand is reportedly preparing to cut interest rates to 1.25%, after previous reductions from 1.75% to 1.50%, in an attempt to restimulate spending and avoid deeper deflation. This hints that Thailand may already be trapped in a “low-growth cycle” as slow productivity and shrinking demand choke investment, leaving even less fiscal space to adapt to climate shocks.
Apart from the World Bank’s CCDR, the Krungsri Research report “Flood 2025: Risks and Impacts” estimates that floods in 2025 could cost up to USD 23.6 billion, amounting to 0.13% of the country’s GDP. Notably, this estimate covers flood-related damage only, excluding other climate risks such as droughts or coastal erosion. This suggests that total climate-related costs could be even higher, with sectors from agriculture and tourism to manufacturing hubs like the Eastern Economic Corridor all at risk.
Despite past and current climate experiences and its pledge to carbon neutrality by 2050, Thailand’s fiscal and monetary policies remain focused on short-term consumption rather than long-term climate resilience. Despite Thailand’s strength in green manufacturing, encompassing goods such as solar panels and electric vehicles, investment in green and climate-resilient infrastructure remains limited, though the World Bank reports effective action could raise GDP by 4-5% by 2050. In contrast, Vietnam and Malaysia have already begun clear green investment frameworks and climate disaster mechanisms, mobilizing public and private capital towards adaptation.
This highlights how green and disaster investment efforts remain fragmented across ASEAN countries, which lack a shared regional strategy. This absence leaves member states forced to respond single-handedly to shared climate threats that could cut through borders and supply chains alike. As the region’s economies chase growth amid worsening disasters and climate, the question is not only how Thailand can adapt, but also whether ASEAN as a whole can build resilience fast enough to protect its collective future.
Paranut has a background in advocacy, with experience in policy research, communications, and civic engagement across both the NGO and government sectors. As Thailand’s Youth Delegate to the United Nations, he represented Thai youth in global dialogues on migration, education, and human rights, championing inclusive policymaking. He holds a degree in political science with a specialization in international relations.
Myanmar 🇲🇲
In the Shadow of War, Myanmar Finds Collective Pride in Aung La Nsang’s Last Victory
by Pann Ei Thwel, in Mandalay
Born in Kachin State, Aung La Nsang—Myanmar’s celebrated Mixed Martial Arts (MMA) world champion known as the “Burmese Python”—closed his professional career with a triumphant final fight. As soon as the news came out on October 4, people in Myanmar collectively celebrated his victory with likes and love reactions on social media. “Thank you, Ko Aung La, you are the one who brings happiness to the whole country,” one user commented.
Aung La defeated Swedish fighter Zebaztian Kadestam at One Fight Night 36, held in Bangkok at Lumpinee Stadium on October 3. The fight marked the last professional appearance of a long and successful career, prompting One Championship to announce, right after his victory, Aung La Nsang’s introduction into the One Championship Hall of Fame on November 16. During his career, Aung La Nsang has caught the fans’ love not only for his victories, which led him to hold the middleweight and light-heavyweight world titles, but also for his outspoken love for Myanmar, which has long symbolized resilience and hope for many Burmese citizens.
Aung La Nsang, like many other Myanmar citizens, had to move to the United States to study and follow his dream of training MMA. In Myanmar, opportunities like these for young people are vanishing day by day with the prolonged civil war, which is now approaching its 5th year of unhalted hostilities. A recent UNDP report found that three out of four young people in Myanmar are neither learning nor training, and most of them are struggling just to meet basic needs. In this context, the U.S. visa ban imposed earlier this year is closing one of the very few remaining doors that the Myanmar people had to pursue education and skill development opportunities, as opportunities are fading away under the military dictatorship.
Four years into Myanmar’s civil war, national divisions remain deep. With the brutal killings from the military, some have participated in the Civil Disobedience Movement, while others chose to continue working under the military despite facing widespread backlash, as they are seen as not standing in solidarity with the majority of Myanmar’s people. Yet Aung La’s victory was different, as it transcended politics and brought collective pride among the Myanmar people. For a brief moment, amid violence and uncertainty, his victory united the people of Myanmar in shared pride and joy, cementing Aung La Nsang’s win not just a personal milestone but a shared celebration for millions of Myanmar fans who see in him a reminder of strength and hope.
Pann Ei is an undergraduate student at Parami University, majoring in Philosophy, Politics, and Economics. Following an internship with the CSIS Southeast Asia Program, she developed a strong interest in policy research, with a particular focus on politics and education. She currently works as a research assistant at the Center for Research, Policy and Innovation (CRPI), where she focuses on political institutions and regime types across Southeast Asia.
Editorial Deadline 10/10/2025 11:59 PM (UTC +8)
