The Pacific Corridor
Issue 6
Editor’s Note
by Danica Jane Guieb, Lead Editor - Pacific Corridor Desk
In this issue, we examine how policy, diplomacy, and civic inclusion shape ASEAN member states as they respond to shifting global and domestic challenges. These stories offer perspectives not only on national strategies, but also the often-overlooked voices that carry these efforts forward.
We begin with Vietnam, where Tri Vo explores the country’s “bamboo diplomacy” amid growing geopolitical uncertainty. Hanoi is refining a strategy of engagement that balances relationships with both China and the United States, while expanding its reach into emerging and established multilateral groupings.
In the Philippines, Arianne De Guzman reexamines the circular economy through the lens of gender inclusion and democratic participation. While women are at the forefront of waste management and sustainability practices in many communities, they are often absent from the policymaking process. Her report calls for more inclusive governance, where environmental justice and local knowledge intersect.
Nurul Aini examines Singapore’s efforts to promote public health through the expansion of the Nutri-Grade labelling system, as questions arise not only about its health outcomes but also its broader social and economic implications; highlighting how well-intentioned policies can carry unintended burdens, particularly on lower-income communities—and whether healthier choices are truly accessible to all.
Together, these stories reflect our region in motion as we redefine our priorities and seek new pathways for cooperation. In understanding these layered efforts, you are invited to see ASEAN not only as a political and economic bloc, but as a community of actors shaping their futures through diplomacy, dialogue, and shared responsibility.
Vietnam 🇻🇳
Vietnam's Deft Dance: Agile Diplomacy in an Age of Uncertainty
by Tri Vo, in Ho Chi Minh City
In the intricate dance of global geopolitics, Vietnam has proven to be quite adept at balancing the increasingly conflicting currents of a shifting international landscape. Guided by its long-standing "bamboo diplomacy”—a strategy deeply rooted in national interest and attuned to the shifting winds of geopolitics—Hanoi has recently engaged in a host of high-level engagements that reflect its commitment to strategic autonomy. By simultaneously deepening ties with the United States, sustaining stable and fruitful relations with China, and engaging with emerging blocs such as BRICS while also maintaining close ties with established groupings like the EU, Vietnam is charting a pragmatic course to secure its long-term interests.
The recent elevation of the U.S.-Vietnam relationship to a Comprehensive Strategic Partnership vividly illustrates Vietnam’s diplomatic agility in conducting international relations and a willingness to look past historical tensions to focus on current and future interests. For Hanoi, a stronger relationship with Washington provides a significant economic opportunity as a major export market for an expanding economy and a counterweight in regional affairs, allowing Vietnam to optimize its economic and diplomatic advantages without the obligations of a formal alliance.
Simultaneously, the country remains just as committed to maintaining and improving the relationship with its northern neighbor, China. Bound by proximity, ideology, and economy, this partnership is among Vietnam’s most crucial. Recent high-level talks have reaffirmed a common commitment to diplomatic stability and economic cooperation. While sensitive issues—particularly maritime territorial disputes—remain challenging, both nations’ commitment to dialogue and crisis management helps prevent escalation that could undermine the current status quo.
Beyond the bilateral engagements with these two global giants, Vietnam is actively broadening its diplomatic reach. Its recent participation in the BRICS+ dialogue is an unequivocal signal of the country’s commitment to multilateralism in its conduct of international relations. Engaging with this bloc of emerging economies allows Vietnam to explore new economic opportunities, build strong partnerships on global issues, and reinforce its identity as an independent international actor. Yet rather than representing a pivot away from established groupings such as the EU, this move serves as a strategic addition to Vietnam’s diplomatic portfolio. It ensures a presence and voice in diverse international forums, serving as a safeguard against growing diplomatic uncertainty in an era of renewed great power competition that has upended the relative predictability of global politics in the early 2000s.
These diplomatic endeavors are not contradictory but rather complementary elements of a coherent grand strategy. By maintaining constructive engagement with major powers and diverse blocs, Vietnam avoids the perilous trap of “putting all of its eggs in one basket.” In a world increasingly defined by great power competition, Vietnam’s bamboo diplomacy illustrates that an effective approach may lie not in choosing a side, but in charting an independent course toward sustained socio-economic development.
Tri has experience in management consulting and strategy, having worked with institutions such as the UNDP, The Asia Group, and ARC Group. He has provided strategic, legal, and operational insights to clients in sectors including manufacturing, energy, and technology. He holds both academic and professional experience related to Southeast and East Asia, with a focus on regional development and policy.
The Philippines 🇵🇭
Women in the Loop: Rethinking Circular Economy through Deliberative Democracy and Climate Justice
by Arianne De Guzman, in Bulacan
The circular economy is often seen as a transformative solution to climate change, emphasizing regeneration, but whose voice shapes its priorities? Who decides who is included?
According to the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) Stocktaking Report, the Philippines, as a low-income country, heavily relies on the circular economy, not as a choice but as a necessity. The most common circular economy strategy in the country involves converting waste into a resource (e.g., bricks and chairs). Research suggests that most circular economy models emphasize technical, environmental, and business pillars, while placing less focus on social inclusion. Social inclusion, when incorporated into circular economy policies, focuses on identifying adverse socio-economic conditions, such as gender issues, that hinder equal participation.
In the Philippines, many women often serve as unseen drivers of the circular economy, both as consumers and catalysts for change. According to the 2017 National Demographic and Health Survey, 89% of women are the decision-makers for major household expenditures while managing household waste. Gendered household practices also position them as consumers of sachets and single-use plastic shopping bags. At the same time, businesses also consider them as a target market for fashion, skin and hygiene products. In circular economy-related activities in the informal sector, women are found to likely work in trash management, recycling, and reuse due to the perpetuated gendered division of labour.
Traditional gendered norms and the patriarchy influence women’s consumption patterns and are a major contributor to waste generation. Despite this, studies suggest that women are more likely to be environmentally conscious and have an inclination to learn about waste management. In cities like Sipalay, Tagbilaran, and Manila, women are the ones who lead clean-up drives and waste cooperatives. This underscores the need to treat women as a key demographic in circular economy policymaking. Without deliberate gender inclusion, policy relies on compliance while overlooking exclusion.
According to Nicole Curato, a political sociologist researching climate justice, current democratic systems and practices have failed to address the climate crisis. This is because institutional decision-making has failed to account for the long-term needs, real-world experiences, and values of citizens, as technical and scientific expert advice often serves as the sole basis for political processes. This ultimately reflects the disproportionate power and influence experts hold over political decision-making.
Laws such as the Extended Producer Responsibility (EPR), designed to mandate corporations to recover at least 80% of their plastic waste by 2028, suffer from poor enforcement, indicating that compliance may often be more nominal than substantive. It also lacks gender-responsive audits or participatory design. As of mid-2025, it was reported that out of 2000 entities covered by the law, only a few have registered for compliance, while only 700 have submitted Compliance Audit Reports for 2023.
In this context, deliberative democracy provides a compelling alternative to top-down policymaking. As Curato explains, this is a political process where decisions are made through inclusive, reason-based dialogue among the affected citizens. It is not a consultation – it emphasizes fairness and listening through co-decision-making. In practice, women waste workers participate in Local Government waste budgeting or act as a third-party oversight panel on EPR compliance. It means going beyond token representation to genuine, meaningful participation.
A circular economy, one considered only by business corporations and technical experts, becomes a closed loop of power. However, when circular economy policies are shaped by women through dialogue, resistance, and innovation, they advance more inclusive and just approaches to environmental governance and climate justice. Currently, the Philippine Circular Economy Promotion Act remains pending in the Senate since 2022. While the Act lacks gender-related provisions in its current form, this presents a massive opportunity to integrate gender-responsive measures to ensure a more inclusive, effective, and just transition to a circular economy.
Arianne has worked in legal research at the Philippines Department of Justice and in policy research at De La Salle University’s Jesse M. Robredo Institute of Governance, supporting projects on systemic reform. She holds a degree in Political Science from Colegio de San Juan de Letran and is pursuing a master’s in Sociology at the University of the Philippines Diliman. She is also involved in youth development and grassroots advocacy through the Rotaract Club of Santa Maria.
Singapore 🇸🇬
Labelling Health, Living with the Consequences
by Nurul Aini, in Singapore
In Singapore, grabbing a drink can feel almost like an academic exercise, with beverages being graded much like school assignments. Ironically, a drink with 0% earns you an ‘A’ while anything above 1% receives a grade ranging from ‘B’ to ‘D’. Each grading is colour coded - green for healthier choices and red for less healthy ones.
This is the mandatory Nutri-Grade (NG) system set by the Health Promotion Board (HPB) and the Ministry of Health (MOH) to influence consumers towards healthier dietary options. The grading reflects the percentage of saturated fat and sugar in pre-packaged beverages. It was rolled out in December 2022 to combat the worrying percentage of diabetics among the population. The system is also designed to encourage product reformulation, backed by R&D support schemes for qualifying companies.
A similar system, the Nutri-Score, has been used by some EU countries, beginning with France in 2017 and gradually adopted by Belgium, Switzerland, Germany, Luxembourg and the Netherlands over the course of the past eight years. While often cited as a potential case study, the system now faces mounting challenges due to the lack of consensus over standardised nutritional profiling. In Germany, such labellings are contested due to oversimplification, limitations in scope, and what many have argued to be a promotion of overconsumption and an oversight of the specific needs of different age groups. Meanwhile, Italy has banned the system, arguing that it discriminates against certain ingredients and that its per-100-ml metric is ill-suited for foods like cheese, which are typically consumed in smaller portions.
The Nutri-Grade system in Singapore has triggered confusion and criticism for assigning relatively high health grades to products traditionally seen as unhealthy, and lower grades to those generally viewed as nutritious. Some consumers, for instance, have questioned why a sugary drink like Red Bull receives a ‘B’ grade, while milk, despite its known health benefits, is labelled with a lower score. Meanwhile, hawkers- small-scale food stall operators—have raised concerns over the challenge of following the system while still accommodating customers’ sugar-level requests. Despite these concerns, Singapore’s Health Minister Ong Ye Kung has floated the idea of Malaysia adopting a similar Nutri-Grade system, arguing that shared nutritional labelling standards would be practical, given the high volume of cross-border shopping and dining between the two countries.
By mid-2027, Singapore’s Ministry of Health plans to extend Nutri-Grade labelling to 23 additional subcategories of pre-packaged products, including salt, sauces, seasonings, instant noodles, and cooking oils. This will also come with an updated labelling to indicate the amount of sodium and saturated fats contained in each product.
While economically motivated, this initiative is also intended to promote public health in Singapore. Yet access to healthier food options is often shaped by affordability, raising questions about how such labelling policies might impact lower-income consumers. Some, for example, may feel pressured to switch to more expensive alternatives, like olive or avocado oil, often perceived as universally healthier. This concern is especially pressing in light of rising living costs, underscoring the need to assess whether health interventions account for socioeconomic realities.
Aini is currently pursuing a master’s degree in English literature at Nanyang Technological University. She has experience working in youth groups, contributing to the planning and management of outreach activities.
Editorial Deadline 15/07/2025 11:59 PM (UTC +8)
