Editor’s Note
by the Maritime Crescent Editorial Desk
This week’s edition highlights developments across Southeast Asia, examining challenges in governance, public accountability, and opportunities for international cooperation.
In Malaysia, the government’s push to promote the homegrown TuJu navigation app over Waze has sparked controversy over technological readiness, data sovereignty, and transparency in public procurement.
Meanwhile, in Indonesia, recurring forest and land fires, concerns surrounding the Free Nutritious Meals programme, and renewed protests on Youth Pledge Day reflect growing public frustration and demands for greater government accountability.
Finally, in Brunei, the country’s relatively limited engagement with Norway presents opportunities to strengthen bilateral relations through cooperation in football, trade, and clean energy.
Malaysia 🇲🇾
How Waze and Anti-Zionist Sentiment Caused the TuJu Fiasco
by Edrina Lisa Ozaidi, in WP Kuala Lumpur
Malaysian Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim recently issued a statement advising the public and mandating civil servants to switch from GPS application Waze to local alternatives.
In his statement, he highlighted that Waze was flagged by the administration as a national security risk, as it was originally developed in Israel before it was acquired by Google in 2013. This suggested that the app is subject to Israeli jurisdiction and data telemetry practices, creating potential exposure for user movement and public data.
Malaysia’s longstanding opposition to Zionism has provided a broader political context for this directive. Reflecting the Madani administration’s foreign policy positions, the government’s stance has extended into the public’s use of technology associated with Israel-linked entities.
To replace Waze, the prime minister highlighted TuJu — a local highway and navigation platform launched under a collaboration between the Malaysian Highway Authority (LLM) and Prosignal Consortium Sdn Bhd.
However, the push was immediately met with public friction over users’ experience and navigation deficits. Drivers who migrated to TuJu reported severe UX bugs, inaccurate rerouting in complex urban networks, missing real-time incident reports and frequent app crashes.
Tech-savvy users were quick to point out a notable inconsistency: TuJu relies heavily on underlying Google Maps API and point-of-interest data for its core engine. Since Google owns Waze and operates extensive cloud/R&D contracts involving Israel, critics argued that switching from Waze to TuJu offered minimal genuine “de-linking” from global tech infrastructure connected to Israel.
For everyday commuters dealing with severe urban congestion, navigation apps are essential daily utility tools, not political statements. Encouraging users off a mature, crowdsourced ecosystem like Waze onto an unproven platform caused immediate practical frustration. Critics argued that using ideological boycotts to cover for sub-par domestic technology damages public trust in broader state-led digitalisation initiatives.
However, the pushback and scepticism do not only stem from the app’s flaws, but also from a mix of political fatigue, bureaucratic opacity and poor execution. The TuJu push ignited intense political debate within Parliament and among economic analysts.
Figures like Lim Guan Eng and civil society commentators openly questioned the process through which the tender was awarded to Prosignal Consortium, and what benchmarks were used to approve a direct public rollout.
In fact, government leaders acknowledged that senior management within the implementing agencies presented overly optimistic, inaccurate capability assessments regarding TuJu’s readiness to executive leadership.This was further complicated when LLM leadership publicly clarified that TuJu was never originally designed to compete directly with Waze, revealing a major messaging disconnect at the executive level.
As public backlash mounted, the government was forced to soften its tone. While the ban remains enforced strictly for official civil service duties, PM Anwar acknowledged TuJu’s “shortcomings” and advised citizens to rely on other stable offline or local alternatives in the interim rather than imposing a blanket ban on the general public.
This exposes the dangers of substituting political rhetoric for technical readiness. While pushing for data sovereignty and aligning consumer habits with foreign policy ideals can resonate politically, doing so without well-prepared alternatives can alienate the public.
The Malaysian public can only hope this case becomes a case study of how hasty tech mandates, without proper procurement vetting, can turn a foreign policy stance into a domestic governance liability.
Edrina is a communications professional with a background in international relations. She holds a degree from the University of Nottingham Malaysia and has worked across public relations and social media for organizations in the development, education, and corporate sectors. Her work focuses on crafting narratives around regional affairs and strengthening media engagement across Southeast Asia.
Indonesia 🇮🇩
All Quiet on the Palace Front
by Gemala Asyura, in Pekanbaru
There has hardly been a quiet day in the two years since Prabowo took office, many protests seem to be growing by the day. For months, forest and land fires (karhutla) have forced people to endure polluted air while going about their daily lives. Meanwhile, the government’s Free Nutritious Meals (MBG) program has faced growing criticism over its enormous costs and effectiveness, especially following reports of food poisoning. With problems piling up, public frustration continues to grow as the government fails to take meaningful actions.
On October 28, which coincided with Youth Pledge Day (Sumpah Pemuda), people took to the streets, asking for several demands—which include assigning ‘national disaster status’ to the recent karhutla, prioritizing the people in state budget arrangement, tuition reduction, institutional integrity, and demilitarization in civilian spaces— some of which are adopted from previous ones.,
What makes the October 28 protest a little different from the previous ones?
Several observers have warned that the President may not be receiving a full picture of conditions on the ground. The President’s claim on October 19, 2025, of a 99.99 percent success rate is not backed by a clear definition of success. President Prabowo also said the roughly 8,000 poisoning cases were small compared with the 1.41 billion MBG meals served, and within a humanly acceptable range. As of this September there are still over 3,000 cases of food poisoning.
Another case is karhutla. Since September 16, Japanese helicopters had been helping Indonesia fight the fires in Kalimantan. But just after two weeks, Japan withdrew its forces. Indonesian officials said the Japanese troops went home because their agreed deployment period had ended, while Japan’s Ministry of Defense did not mention a deployment period in its press release. It said the unit returned after Indonesia informed Tokyo that the operations had helped prevent the fires from spreading and that Indonesia could handle further response efforts. However, after the mission, high-confidence hotspots in Indonesia’s six priority provinces nearly doubled to 294 on October 14, and air quality in parts of Kalimantan, South Sumatra, and Jambi stayed very unhealthy to hazardous.
A video posted on October 29 by the Indonesian Political Prisoners’ Union (Serikat Tahanan Politik Indonesia, or Setapol) shows rows of police buses and officers lined up near the Presidential Palace while the weekly Kamisan protest was under way. The group said police used various buses to screen the protesters from view while an event was being held at the palace, calling it “visual censorship”, with another video confirming the same thing. A Kontan opinion column argued that several government success claims felt hollow because they did not match reality, linking this to the deep-rooted “asal bapak senang” (“as long as the boss is happy”) habit of reporting only what pleases superiors. This habit fueled the October 28 protest.. What makes it even more special is that the students were able to pierce through Bundaran HI (HI roundabout) on Sumpah Pemuda, which they had been trying to penetrate for days.
The government’s effort to safeguard basic human needs, including access to clean air, remain insufficient. As of today, protests across various cities in Indonesia continue to gain momentum. Some are even chanting for revolution; with people demanding greater transparency, access to reliable public data, and more effective systems of governance. These demonstrations reflect growing frustration over the government’s failure to fulfill its responsibilities and protect the rights of its citizens. Ultimately, these protests are about more than just dissatisfaction with the government. They are a collective call for accountability, transparency, and justice. People are standing up not only for their rights today but also for a future in which every Indonesian can live with dignity, have their voices heard, and hold those in power accountable.
Gemala holds a degree in International Relations, with a focus on contemporary global issues. In addition to her years of undergraduate study, she has hands-on experience in early childhood education, having worked in both teaching and teaching assistant roles. She now pursues journalism as a practical extension of her academic background, with a focus and scope centered on ASEAN regional dynamics and social issues.
Brunei Darussalam 🇧🇳
Shared Ambitions from the Equator to the Arctic
by Maryam Zulaidi
While the tiny sultanate actively cultivates ties with its traditional partners, one remains an open door that neither government has fully ventured through. Norway and Brunei, despite being separated by a thread of seas stretching from the South China Sea to the North Sea, surprisingly have plenty in common. Both nations are headed by a monarch - though the Norwegian monarchy is ceremonial. Both have small populations and owe much wealth to oil and gas abundance.
So far, the two nations mainly engage through ASEAN, where Norway is a Sectoral Dialogue Partner. Their earliest recorded discussion of the 2020s was an online trilateral meeting alongside the ASEAN secretariat. Beyond that, the relationship has yet to go further, which is why it deserves attention.
As of late, Norway has increasingly gained recognition for its sporting achievements, extending beyond its traditional strengths in winter sports. In men’s football, for example, the national team made it to the World Cup quarter-finals back in July 2026. They have excelled despite their relatively small population. Cooperation as well as adopting Norway as a model for Brunei’s football development would allow the nation to gain both sporting and diplomatic advantages.
At the heart of this success, Norway focuses on their athletes’ enjoyment and development, rather than solely competitive results. This does not necessarily mean young Bruneian footballers lack enthusiasm for the sport. However, mounting competitive pressure coupled with online criticism following poor performances, may gradually discourage their continued participation. Contrary to that, Norway’s Bodø/Glimt’s General Manager once said that “they aren’t concerned about winning, but about learning” in an interview by CNN Sports, and that should ideally be the mindset of Bruneian managers, families, supporters and players alike. A culture that is driven by growth will ultimately keep interests alive for longer.
Coach exchanges, twinning programmes between the Brunei and Norwegian teams as well as investment in sports facilities are all low-cost ways to learn about Norway’s sports culture all while building goodwill between the two nations.
At first glance, the benefits may appear to stream towards Brunei. However, Norway also stands to gain a crucial and trusted partner within ASEAN. The first gain is trade. Through EFTA, Norway recently signed off 6 EFTA trade agreements with neighbouring nations, yet Brunei was not among them. This leaves a clear economic opportunity to tap into.
Seafood is a natural starting point, given Brunei’s strong seafood culture. In fact, Fez & Cip, the 2025 winner of the International Fish and Chip Operator Of The Year, uses Norwegian fish: Haddock, Pollock and Halibut, to name a few. The demand is evident yet the market remains untapped, and Brunei could possibly be a regional hub for seafood distribution across Borneo.
The second gain is energy. Brunei holds unexplored offshore carbon storage capacity, and Shell has already examined carbon transport and storage options there. Norway, as a pioneer in carbon capture, is well placed to help unlock it.
Through football, trade and clean energy, the two kingdoms have much to gain.
Maryam is a first-year International Relations and Politics student at the University of Sheffield, with an academic focus on Southeast Asia—particularly Maritime Southeast Asia—and the Middle East. She aspires to a career in diplomacy and academia and is committed to fostering international dialogue and advancing scholarly engagement with global issues. Beyond her academic work, she pursues creative interests and voluntary initiatives that broaden her perspectives on public service.
Editorial Deadline 1/11/2026 11:59 PM (UTC +8)
