Editor’s Note
by Siu Tzyy Wei, Lead Editor - Maritime Crescent Desk
This week, the Maritime Crescent is bearing a weight that is too heavy to carry. In Indonesia, the law faculty of a well known university buckles under the moral burden of a sexual abuse scandal that exposes cracks in the very institution meant to uphold justice. Malaysia, long reliant on brown energy, now finds itself struggling to surmount the weight of political neglect as the search for renewable sources of energy becomes urgent and unavoidable. In Brunei, the small state shoulders the mounting responsibility as it hosts Australia’s Prime Minister Albanese in negotiating food and energy security in a world of tightening supply.
Together, these stories remind us of the weight we are carrying - institutions, systems and states lifting more than they can bear, revealing both the fragility of their foundations and the resilience demanded of them.
Brunei Darussalam 🇧🇳
Wading through the Mire
by Maryam Zulaidi
For the past two months, the ongoing conflict between Iran and the United States of America has tempered the flow of vessels to and from the Strait of Hormuz, severely disrupting energy supply chains around the globe and leaving nations in the continents of Asia and Oceania to feel its adverse impacts. This uncertainty has threatened nations such as Australia to expeditiously secure essential commodities from other sovereign states away from the region of conflict as the nation is highly dependent on imported fertilisers where 69% of its urea is sourced from the Middle East.
In Australia’s efforts of shielding itself from a domestic food and energy shortage, the state is currently and actively finding alternative trading nations in place of Saudi Arabia, the UAE and Qatar. Southeast Asia is second to the Middle East in sourcing urea to Australia. Among the incoming 300,000t of urea shipments, only one is from the Gulf while the rest are supplied from Brunei and Indonesia. Though, Indonesia’s urea fertiliser supplies may be under threat, and as a result, it is urgently showing interest in securing food and energy agreements with neighboring nations such as Brunei, Singapore and Malaysia. Brunei represents a safe haven for Australia due to its geographical proximity as well as being the most accessible option. As of recent, the sultanate supplies 11% of Australia’s urea imports.
Last Tuesday, 14th April 2026, marked Australia’s Prime Minister Anthony Albanese’s first diplomatic visit to Brunei with the purpose of potentially increasing supply of diesel and urea fertiliser following his visit to the Brunei Fertilizer Industries (BFI). The comprehensive partnership between the nation and Brunei witnessed the signing of a joint statement on energy and food security between the two countries. The statement upholds their commitment to alert each other and stay clear from any unsubstantiated import and export restrictions regarding matters related to the trade of energy and food supplies. Australia, as Brunei’s top trading partner, brings considerable economic gains to the sultanate due to its import reliance even as urea prices remain competitive on raw materials – it is understood that 6,000t of granular urea has been sold by BFI for $710/t fob.
Taken together, the partnership between Australia and Brunei indicates a sharper purpose: broader calibration of global supply chains, mainly energy and food in reaction to the present geopolitical instability. A silver lining amidst thundering grey skies, Brunei finds itself opportunities derived not only from trade, but is also positioning itself as a cornerstone partner in a world increasingly imperiled by resource uncertainty.
Maryam is a first-year International Relations and Politics student at the University of Sheffield, with an academic focus on Southeast Asia—particularly Maritime Southeast Asia—and the Middle East. She aspires to a career in diplomacy and academia and is committed to fostering international dialogue and advancing scholarly engagement with global issues. Beyond her academic work, she pursues creative interests and voluntary initiatives that broaden her perspectives on public service.
Malaysia 🇲🇾
The Renewable Rush
by Sydney Gan, in Kuala Lumpur
As the conflict in the Middle East rages on, the looming energy crisis in Malaysia exposes an over-reliance on fossil fuels and begs the question: what are Malaysia’s choices when oil inevitably runs out?
Despite the strategic, non-partisan posturing, Malaysia is unable to escape the apparent fact that the Strait of Hormuz’s closure represents a chokehold on Malaysia’s precious oil supply - and that, as it stands, Malaysia is ill-prepared for sufficient alternatives. Malaysia’s energy sector is heavily reliant on fossil fuels, with coal and natural gas comprising over 90% of electricity generation. In an effort to introduce green energy options, the government has introduced key policy frameworks such as the National Energy Transition Roadmap (NETR), which aims at achieving net-zero emissions by 2050. On all accounts, Malaysia has an advantage in advancing the renewable energy agenda: its equatorial location provides abundant solar energy, and it has since evolved into an international hub for solar technology manufacturing. However, government policies in practice demonstrated reluctance and a lack of political will to aggressively push for renewable energy adoption, the inertia of which was successfully blown under the radar for years - until now, when the threat of an energy crisis is swiftly coming to a head.
Presently, Malaysia is considering the large-scale adoption of two renewable energy sources. The first is biofuel, for which Malaysia currently has 19 production plants that process the sludge or by-product of crude palm oil to produce alternative fuel options. Deputy Prime Minister Datuk Seri Dr Ahmad Zahid Hamidi singled out biofuel as the a viable long-term solution to reduce diesel prices, as this renewable energy source has already undergone vehicle testing. A formal proposal has been submitted to the National Economic Action Council (MTEN) to urge the upscaling of further biofuel efforts and further cross-ministerial collaborations to ensure nationwide low production costs through efficient integration.
Concurrently, the MADANI Government is also seriously considering developing nuclear energy programmes. Science, Technology and Innovation Minister YB Chang Lih Kang cautions that this lower-carbon source would be adopted merely complementarily to current existing sources, in order to ensure resilient energy over the long term. Currently, small modular reactors are being studied as part of the government’s feasibility study assessing nuclear power’s role as a stable base-load supply. Unlike its biofuel counterpart, nuclear energy is a relatively unexplored option in Malaysia and lacks well-established infrastructure. Coupled with a generalised hesitation towards adoption due to the threat of nuclear fallout, Malaysia tiptoes around this proposed alternative, caught between its necessity and its high risk of radioactivity
As Malaysia faces uncertain times ahead, renewable energy alternatives emerge not just as a ‘nice-to-have’, but as a need. It would seem that Malaysia has jumped onto the bandwagon a touch too late, but it is the subsequent policy push that will be significant to see Malaysia finally develop towards its green and sustainability goals.
Sydney holds a Bachelor of Laws from King’s College London, where she focused on Human Rights Law, Criminology, and Public & Administrative Law. She is an Analyst at Asia Group Advisors, providing policy analysis and strategic guidance across the tech, sustainability, and gaming sectors in Southeast Asia. Prior to joining AGA, she worked in the social development sector in London, contributing to the Ukraine Judicial Training Programme through research on war crimes adjudication and the development of a legal training curriculum with high court magistrates.
Indonesia 🇮🇩
When Justice Breaks, Again
by Muhammad Rayhansyah Jasin
On April 14, videos of the internal ethics forum at University of Indonesia (UI) went viral when 16 male law students were summoned over their group chat involving lewd discussions of fellow female students, staff, and lecturers. The Faculty of Law’s As the Student Executive Board (BEM) demanded public apologies, immediate expulsions and stronger campus guidelines. The faculty suspended the students’ academic status for 45 days, stipping them of positions in student organisations while internal proceedings continue
Under Indonesia’s 2022 Anti-Sexual Violence Law, non-physical harrassment, including digital abuse, is a crime. Universities in Indonesia were required to establish anti-sexual violence and prevention task Force (Satgas PPKS) in 2023; later extended under Regulation No.55/2024. Yet, the UI case shows how legal frameworks alone cannot prevent misconduct - even when perpetrators are law students aware of the gravity of their actions. Many held leadership roles, even handling past harassment cases, underscoring the hypocrisy and depth of the problem.
This case reflects the normalization of misogyny running rampant around Indonesian campuses. A resurfaced clip from Bandung Institute of Technology (ITB) showed students singing “Erika”, a anthem filled with sexist remarks and obscene lyrics; at Padjadjaran University, a lecturer allegedly coerced an exchange student for explicit images; University of Sultan Ageng Tirtayasa expelled a student caught recording in a women’s restroom. Harassment persists despite regulations, eroding trust in institutions meant to safeguard students.
The scale is alarming. Education watchdog Network for Education Watch Indonesia (JPPI) reported 233 cases of violence in educational institutions in the first 4 months of 2026, nearly half involving sexual harassment. Such figures highlight that safe spaces cannot exist only n paper. The UI case must serve as more than a wake-up call - it is evidence for a moral emergency within higher education.
Regionally, Southeast Asia faces similar challenges. The sexual trafficking industry employs up to 300,000 people working behind the sexual human-trafficking industry, while WHO estimates one in three women in ASEAN states experience violence, higher than the global average. Campuses - supposedly the safest public spaces - have become hotspots of abuse is a jarring indictment of cultural complacency.
Indonesia’s universities now stand at a crossroads. They can continue treating harassment as isolated scandals, or they can confront the entrenched culture that normalises misogyny and undermines private spaces. For policymakers, the lesson is clear: laws and task forces are not enough. Enforcement must be consistent, leadership accountable and campus culture reshaped to prioritise dignity and safety.
The UI case should not fade into another headline - it must mark the reminder of a broader reckoning - one that forces institutions to lift the weight of responsibility they have long avoided, and in proving that higher education can be a space of justice.
Rayhan is pursuing an Erasmus Mundus Joint Master’s Degree in Public Policy at Central European University and the Institut Barcelona d’Estudis Internacionals. He holds a Bachelor of Social Sciences in International Relations and Political Economy from Ritsumeikan Asia Pacific University. His current research focuses on the socio-economic impacts of Indonesia’s nickel mining industry on local communities and national development.
Editorial Deadline 18/04/2025 11:59 PM (UTC +8)
