Walking the Seoul–Pyongyang Tightrope
Issue 54 — Key Developments Across the Philippines, Singapore, Timor-Leste, and Vietnam
Editor’s Note
by Karen Ysabelle R. David, Lead Editor - Pacific Corridor Desk
Over the past year, Hanoi has been making headlines for its diplomatic dexterity and high-stakes hedging. But even when set against this backdrop, Vietnam’s hedging between the two Koreas — what with a Vietnamese General’s recent visit to Pyongyang, amid his country’s robust trade ties with Seoul — is a particularly tense high-wire act worth watching.
Meanwhile, Manila is having a bit of a tennis moment, thanks to the rise of tennis darling Alex Eala. Far from the pomp and circumstance of state visits and diplomatic exchanges, Eala’s success on the court is a reminder of the national impact and regional influence that sports diplomacy can wield.
But over in Singapore, a more sobering reminder, as the launch of thousands of flats across the city-state — while seemingly good news — is a sign of how intense housing demand has gotten. That challenge is not unique to Singapore; but the pressure compounds when it’s set in one of the world’s most densely populated metropolises.
Vietnam 🇻🇳
Vietnam’s Hedging Between the Koreas
by Sean Huy Vu
Vietnamese General Luong Tam Quang, a member of the Politburo and Minister of Public Security, led a high-level delegation to the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK) from 13 to 16 June. Invited by his North Korean counterpart in an effort to boost bilateral ties, the objectives of the meeting were to share experiences in “Party building, national governance, economic development.” Both sides also expressed a desire to improve people-to-people ties and shared experiences in law enforcement. Neither Vietnamese nor North Korean state media revealed the details discussed during the meeting.
The visit comes nine months after General Secretary To Lam met with Chairman Kim Jong Un in October 2025 to celebrate the 80th anniversary of the founding of the Workers’ Party of Korea. The two pledged to deepen cultural exchange and defense cooperation; a commitment made six years after the 2019 Hanoi Summit between United States President Donald Trump and Chairman Kim.
Many observers have been confused as to why Vietnam has been engaging with a pariah state. One reason is simply due to the shared communist legacy, as the Vietnamese Foreign Ministry (and much of the state apparatus) is quite ideological. One US official anonymously expressed dismay at the growing relations between Vietnam and North Korea, stating that the DPRK offers “absolutely nothing of value” and “costs” Vietnam. Some North Korea watchers have speculated that Vietnam is forming a communist axis with the DPRK and China.
Khanh Vu, a visiting scholar at Boston College and specialist in Asian communist security, however, has explained Vietnam’s intentions. Vietnam aspires to become a proactive middle power capable of mediating differences between countries, such as North Korea, South Korea, and the US. By maintaining relations with everyone, Vietnam can serve as a platform for diplomacy for potential future summits. Vu notes, nonetheless, that Hanoi’s “bold” outreach towards Pyongyang could affect its reputation globally if its visits are not carefully framed within the framework of multilateralism.
When compared to its relationship-building with South Korea, however, Vietnam’s visits to North Korea are largely symbolic. South Korea is Vietnam’s largest source of foreign direct investment, totaling US$92 billion by the end of 2024. Samsung alone is Vietnam’s largest source of FDI, employing over 120,000 workers, who produce half of the chaebol’s phones. South Korea is Vietnam’s third largest export market, valued at 6% of total trade, following the US and China. South Korea’s Lotte also provides substantial employment and upskilling of the workforce in the food and retail sectors.
Vietnam’s hedging between the Koreas is an extension of the larger geostrategic competition between the United States and China, as both Koreas lean towards their respective great power security guarantors. As the Trump administration disrupts global supply chains and energy markets through its foreign policy, increasing diplomacy with North Korea is an indirect way of engaging with the Sinosphere in Asia.
Sean is a scholar of East Asian history, culture, and international relations, with current research at Georgetown University examining working-class labor and human trafficking in the region. His broader interests include the social psychology of religion and identity politics. Sean previously taught modern Korean history at the University of California, Irvine, where he completed his B.A. in History, and later taught English in Ho Chi Minh City while studying Vietnamese language and culture. His writing has been published by UC Irvine, Johns Hopkins University, and Foreign Analysis.

The Philippines 🇵🇭
Alex Eala and the Power of Sports Diplomacy
by Glenn Vincent N. Boquilon, in Angeles City
When people talk about diplomacy, they often think of presidents, foreign ministers, and international summits. Yet, diplomacy can also happen in places far from government offices. Sometimes, it takes place on a tennis court.
The recent rise of Filipino tennis player Alex Eala has drawn attention, not only because of her achievements, but also because of what they represent. Every time she competes on the international stage, she introduces the Philippines to audiences who may know little about the country. Under those circumstances, she demonstrates an often overlooked form of statesmanship: sports diplomacy.
Sports diplomacy refers to the usage of sports and athletes to build connections between countries and to improve a nation’s image globally. Unlike formal diplomacy, which is conducted through governments, sports diplomacy often works through public attention. In this arena, athletes become unofficial ambassadors. Their accomplishments can inspire interest, admiration, and goodwill toward their home countries.
Eala’s growing presence in international tennis has given the Philippines a rare opportunity in a sport traditionally dominated by larger and wealthier nations. She is now ranked 30th, according to the Women’s Tennis Association, after her play at the Berlin Tennis Open. Her achievements have brought on international media coverage and distinct attention to Filipino talent. For many young Filipinos, she has also become a symbol of what is possible through hard work and dedication.
The Philippines is not the only country in Southeast Asia that has benefited from sports diplomacy. Thailand has long used its success in Muay Thai to promote its culture internationally. Indonesia has also done the same through badminton, a sport that has become closely associated with national pride. Similarly, Singapore has invested heavily in hosting major sporting events and attracting international competitions. These efforts help countries gain visibility and strengthen their global presence.
Sports diplomacy has become increasingly important in a world where public perception matters. A country’s image is no longer shaped only by politics and economics. In this regard, culture, entertainment, and sports also play a crucial and defining role. Historically, successful athletes can create positive stories that travel across borders and reach audiences that traditional diplomacy may never reach. For example, the global rise of Manny Pacquiao helped shape international perceptions of the Philippines beyond politics, showing how sports figures can become symbols of national identity.
In Southeast Asia, sports have also helped reinforce regional ties. Events such as the Southeast Asian Games bring together athletes from different countries and encourage friendly competition. While nations compete for medals, these events also create opportunities for cultural exchange and mutual understanding. They remind people that regional cooperation is not limited to government meetings and official agreements.
Sports diplomacy is not only about improving a country’s image abroad. Success on the international stage can also encourage greater investment in sports programs, facilities, and athlete development at home. Alex Eala’s rise has already sparked discussions about the future of Philippine tennis and the support available to young athletes. More broadly, her success shows how sports can strengthen national pride while also building connections between countries. In an increasingly interconnected world, athletes are not just competitors; they can also serve as ambassadors for their nations.
Glenn holds a Bachelor of Arts in Political Science from the University of Santo Tomas. His experience spans governance programs, policy development, and political research, having worked with the Ateneo School of Government and WR Numero Research on projects focused on electoral reform, public opinion, and regional development. He also helped coordinate the drafting of the Bangsamoro Local Government Code and supported the Academy of Multiparty Democracy.
Singapore 🇸🇬
Beyond the June 2026 BTO Launch: What It Reveals About Housing in Singapore
by Jennifer Hui En Tan, in Singapore
The June 2026 Build-To-Order (BTO) launch, which released 6,952 flats across seven projects, highlights the Singapore government’s continued commitment to public housing. As the majority of Singaporeans live in flats built by the Housing & Development Board, the BTO system remains a key pillar of social stability and home ownership. However, despite its benefits, there are still structural flaws within the system that have wider social consequences.
The BTO system has long been one of Singapore’s most important public housing policies, reflecting the state’s effort to keep home ownership accessible to ordinary citizens. In recent years, the government has ramped up supply; this latest expansion is significant because it signals recognition that housing demand remains intense, especially among young Singaporeans hoping to enter the property market. Authorities have also introduced measures such as projects with shorter waiting times to make the system more responsive to the needs of first-time buyers. The BTO model has helped sustain relatively high home ownership rates and has allowed many Singaporeans to buy subsidized flats at prices below those of the resale market.
However, these improvements do not fully resolve the deeper tensions built into the system. Although BTO flats are cheaper than resale flats because they are subsidized by the government, they are not necessarily affordable for all young couples. This burden is made heavier by Singapore’s rising cost of living, which can make housing feel less like a milestone and more like a financial strain. Even with shorter waiting time projects, the BTO system still requires couples to plan years ahead, often before they are fully ready financially or personally, which can either rush or delay marriages or having children. As a result, housing may be accessible on paper but still feel out of reach in practice, shaping not only where people live but also when they feel able to begin major life milestones.
This is why BTO should be understood not just as a housing policy but as a social policy with wider implications. In Singapore, housing has been closely tied to marriage and family formation, especially because home ownership is often seen as a practical prerequisite for settling down. When access to housing is delayed, expensive, or uncertain, the effects extend beyond the property market into broader concerns such as fertility, special mobility, and demographic decline. Singapore’s low fertility rate cannot be explained by housing alone, but the structure of the BTO system may still contribute by making marriage and parenthood feel more financially and logistically difficult.
This challenge is not unique to Singapore. Across ASEAN’s major urban centers, housing affordability is becoming an increasingly serious pressure as economic growth, urbanization, and rising land values reshape city life. In Thailand, high-rise condominiums have pushed prices beyond many households’ reach. Singapore’s BTO debate thus reflects a wider regional struggle to provide housing that is both affordable and supportive of family life.
In the end, the 2026 BTO launch reflects the government’s commitment to expanding supply and improving access to home ownership, but it also reveals that housing policy cannot be judged by flat numbers alone. As housing pressures rise across ASEAN cities, Singapore’s experience offers a useful case study of how urban housing policy can influence not just where people live, but how societies reproduce, remain stable, and imagine their future.
Jennifer is a final-year International Relations student at the Singapore Institute of Management, where she focuses on political engagement, diplomacy, and community governance. She is an active volunteer in her constituency, working closely with residents to understand local concerns, facilitate dialogue, and support community initiatives.
Editorial Deadline 23/06/2026 11:59 PM (UTC +8)



